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National Forum | Hunger March

2010-09-09T09:44:00.000-07:00

Hunger March

The public outcry about the seemingly endless scams and swindles associated with the Commonwealth Games has drawn attention away from a much more shocking scandal: millions of tons of government-procured foodgrains are rotting in the open, even as there are reports of chronic malnutrition and starvation in many parts of the country. Foodgrains enough to feed over 212 million people for a year are lying in godowns, being eaten by rats, or for lack of storage space, have been dumped in the open, at the mercy of the elements.

Why can't all this food, going to shameful waste, be given away to the desperately hungry? The question has been asked of the government by the Supreme Court. The apex court intervened following media reports about the scandalous state of the godowns administered by the Food Corporation of India (FCI). Between 1997 and 2007, an estimated 1.83 lakh tons of wheat, 6.33 lakh tons of rice and 111 lakh tons of maize were damaged in FCI-run storages facilities.

The mirror image of this obscene wastage is the grinning skull of starvation. Despite the government's much-vaunted 8.5 per cent growth rate in GDP, eight Indian states reportedly have a higher incidence of malnutrition than sub-Saharan Africa, which is widely regarded to be the most wretchedly poor region in the world. India's Integrated Child Development Scheme, said to be the largest programme in the world aimed at children under six, covers some 80 million children, at least on paper. Yet, according to one report, one out of every two Indian children is malnourished, which makes this country the worst in the world in terms of child care.

Chronic malnutrition is known to have severe, and irreversible, mental as well as physical effects. Insufficient calorie intake, particularly among very young children, can lead to brain cell damage and permanent mental retardation. Is this to be the unavoidable fate of millions of India's children, the citizens of tomorrow? What sort of tomorrow will it be for them? Or, for that matter, what sort of tomorrow will it be for the country that gave them such benighted birth?

Despite the Supreme Court's directive that stored food immediately be given to the starving, the PM has said giving away foodgrains would 'disincentivise' farmers. While hunger haunts millions across the country, officialdom is still engaged in statistical mind games to determine the exact figure of those who are marginally above the poverty line, and those who are below it, as if the placing of a decimal point can determine that one human starvation death is worse than another.

The situation can only worsen. Most parts of the country have had an average, or better than average monsoon. Continuing rainfall will further damage the badly stored grain. Some parts of the country, like Jharkhand, have had a bad monsoon and fears of drought, and consequent food shortages, have already been raised.

The government is patently unable to get its procured foodgrains to the people. The only option, then, is to somehow get the people to the food. When the British raj put a tax on salt, Mohandas Gandhi led his Dandi March to demonstrate that people had the right to taxless salt. What India needs today is a Hunger March: a symbolic movement which will assert the moral right of starving people to the food which, having been bought in their name by the government, is so cruelly being denied to them.

Maybe another Gandhi one who has already declared himself to be a soldier in the battle for justice for the dispossessed could lead such a march of protest. It might lead to a new freedom movement for India: freedom from hunger.

By Jug Suraiya

Source-The Times Of India, 08-09-2010

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National Forum | Florida Pastor Says Koran Burning Still On

2010-09-09T09:38:00.000-07:00

Florida Pastor Says Koran Burning Still On

Terry Jones, the pastor of a tiny Florida church that has garnered worldwide attention for its plan to burn more than 200 copies of the Koran, told reporters on Wednesday that, "as of this time, we have no intention of canceling." He added, "we are not convinced that backing down is the right thing, so on Sept. 11 we will continue with our planned event.

As The Lede explained earlier today, there has been widespread opposition to the church's plans from American officials, including the American commander in Afghanistan, Gen. David Petraeus, who warned, "It could endanger troops and it could endanger the overall effort in Afghanistan. … It is precisely the kind of action the Taliban uses and could cause significant problems. Not just here, but everywhere in the world we are engaged with the Islamic community."

Speaking to television crews assembled on the church's lawn in Gainesville, Fla., Mr. Jones said, "we understand the general's concerns and we are still considering" what he said. The pastor, who has been highly successful at using the media to spread his message, then attacked the news media for what he said was a failure to accurately report what he called "quite a bit of support" for the book-burning event, even within the American military.

By way of example, Mr. Jones cited a phone call he said he had received on Tuesday from a former American solider who claimed that "the people that are on the field, the Special Forces … are 100 percent behind us."

While he was speaking to supporters, Mr. Jones refused to take calls or return messages from one of evangelical Christianity's most revered figures: Franklin Graham.

Mr. Graham — the son of evangelist Billy Graham — called Mr. Jones twice on Wednesday in an effort to stop the Koran bonfire from happening, said a spokesperson for Graham's ministry, but in both cases, he only reached a secretary who said Mr. Jones was not available.

"It's never right to deface or destroy sacred texts or writings of other religions even if you don't agree with them," Mr. Graham said in a statement. "And while as an American Mr. Jones has the freedom and right to do it, it doesn't make it right."

Mr. Graham's behind-the-scenes effort was seen by some Christians who oppose Mr. Jones as the last, best hope of getting him to give up his bonfire idea because Mr. Graham is well-known for his own strong criticism of Islam. He came under fire in 2002 for saying that the Koran "teaches violence," and more recently, he has argued that President Obama's "problem is that he was born a Muslim; his father was a Muslim; the seed of Islam is passed through the father. " (The president's paternal grandfather converted to Islam in Kenya decades before Mr. Obama's birth in Hawaii to non-observant parents.)

At least two other prominent commentators with a record of denouncing Islam or the Koran — Pamela Geller and Robert Spencer — have also called for Mr. Jones to call off his "International Burn a Koran Day" demonstration.

In his televised statement on Wednesday, Mr. Jones argued that the book burning was justified by a never-before reported atrocity an unnamed former soldier claimed to have witnessed during the war in Bosnia, in which "radical Muslims" had massacred Christians in a burning hospital in front of American troops, who were not allowed to intervene.

Mr. Jones spoke of the event as if it were well known, but it is not, and may not have occurred. While there were massacres carried out by Serb, Croat and Muslim forces in Bosnia's war, a search of the Bosnian War Crimes Atlas compiled by the Research and Documentation Center in Sarajevo turns up no record of any atrocity like the one he says the soldier described to him.

To a reporter who worked in Bosnia during that war, the story Mr. Jones told on Wednesday sounds very like the kind of fictional tales of wartime atrocities against Christians that were cited by Bosnian Serbs and Croats at the time to justify the well-documented massacres of Muslims that did take place — like the murder of thousands of Muslim men and boys buried in mass graves around Srebrenica in 1995.

Postwar research concluded that about 65 percent of the documented victims of the war were Bosnian Muslims, many of whom were from secular families that often included Serb or Croat members.

It should also be noted that American soldiers arrived in Bosnia as peacekeepers only after the end of the conflict there.

On Wednesday, the German magazine Der Spiegel published allegations against Mr. Jones from former congregants at the church in Cologne, Germany, he led until 2008. Spiegel reported:

A "climate of fear and control" had previously prevailed in the congregation, says one former member of the church who does not want to be named. Instead of free expression, "blind obedience" was demanded, he says.

Various witnesses gave Spiegel Online consistent accounts of the Jones' behavior. The pastor and his wife apparently regarded themselves as having been appointed by God, meaning opposition was a crime against the Lord. Terry and Sylvia Jones allegedly used these methods to ask for money in an increasingly insistent manner, as well as making members of the congregation carry out work.

Andrew Schäfer, a Protestant Church official responsible for monitoring sects in the region where Cologne is located, confirmed the accounts. "Terry Jones is a fundamentalist," he told Spiegel Online.

Both major churches in Germany have "sect commissioners" who monitor the activities of religious groups, sects and cults. Although they are obviously not totally impartial, the officials' findings are usually considered to be trustworthy.

Former church members are still undergoing therapy as a result of "spiritual abuse," Schäfer said. According to Schäfer, Jones urged church members to beat their children with a rod and also taught "a distinctive demonology" and conducted brainwashing.

Terry Jones appears to have a delusional personality," speculates Schäfer. When he came to Germany in the 1980s, Jones apparently considered Cologne "a city of Hell that was founded by Nero's mother.By Robert MackeyAnd Damien Cave.

Source-The LEDE courtesy The New York Times

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Obama Speaks Out Against Pastor's Plan to Burn Koran

WASHINGTON— President Obama sharply criticized a Florida pastor's plan to burn copies of the Koran on the anniversary of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, calling it a "stunt" that threatens the lives of American troops in Afghanistan and Iraq and violates American principles of religious tolerance.

"If he's listening, I just hope he understands that what he's proposing to do is completely contrary to our values as Americans," Mr. Obama said in an interview that aired on ABC's Good Morning America Thursday, referring to Terry Jones, a pastor from Gainesville, Fla.

"As a practical matter, as commander in chief of the armed forces of the United States, I just want him to understand that this stunt that he is pulling could greatly endanger our young men and women in uniform who are in Iraq, who are in Afghanistan."

Mr. Obama said that the Koran burning would be a "recruitment bonanza for Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups looking for people willing to "blow themselves up" in American or European cities.

Mr. Obama is the strongest voice so far among a long list of prominent political and religious leader who have condemned Mr. Jones's plan. General David Petraeus , the American commander in Afghanistan, earlier this week said that the burning would put American troops there directly in harm's way, a warning echoed by the F.B.I, which has said that Islamic extremists would likely retaliate.

The reaction in the Muslim world, many Islamic experts said, could be as bad as, or perhaps even worse than, the reaction after a Danish newspaper published a cartoon in 2005 depicting the prophet Mohammad with his turban turning into a bomb. The cartoon ignited huge protests around the Muslim world. The United States stayed largely out of that, with riots and burnings directed toward Danish and European entities. But a burning of the Koran — Islam's most sacred text — in Florida would unleash that anger directly at the United States, Muslim scholars warned.

The pastor, who heads the Dove World Outreach Center in Gainesville has said he is still praying about his plan, but has not indicated any willingness to back down so far. He has also said that he won't be responsible for any deaths that may occur as a result of his church's actions.

"He says he's someone who is motivated by his faith," Mr. Obama said. "I hope he listens to those better angels and understands that this is a destructive act that he's engaging in."

By Helen Cooper

Source-The New York Times,09-09-2010

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Re: National Forum | No Pollution Clearance, Vedanta Runs 10 Units

2010-09-09T09:36:00.000-07:00

Priyaranjan has done a great job by adding another ten feathers to the dirty cap of Vedanta.

It is shocking that neither the Minister for Industries, Power Dept. officials , have no guts to tell the truth. The OSPCB should be congratulated for servinf closure notice on Vedanta. Now it is the duty of the Government to see how Vedanta honours the OSPCB orders for closure.

How long money and power will rule this State and for whose interests ???

Orissa needs more and more upright mediapersons like Priyaranjan to expose the anti-people activties of the corporates and Government officials as well as politicians.

Prasanta Patnaik,

Bhubaneswar.

On 9/9/10, Ranjan Panda <ranjanpanda@gmail.com> wrote:

No Pollution Clearance, Vedanta Runs 10 Units

Bhubaneswar:

The Vedanta group is operating a large aluminium smelter plant and nine captive power units in Orissa's Jharsuguda district without clearances from the state pollution control board (OSPCB). Sources said there is massive political pressure on the OSPCB to wink at these transgressions and allow the plants to operate as this is one of the state's two showpiece FDI projects. Over two days — Tuesday and Wednesday — the state government stonewalled HT's efforts to obtain its reaction.
According to a Right to Information reply obtained from OSPCB by an activist, two 135 MW captive power units of Vedanta Aluminium's 500,000-tonne-a-year smelter never got any clearance from the board.

Then, the "trial consent to operate" order OSPCB issued to the smelter and seven other 135 MW captive power plants expired on March 31 this year. The board has refused to renew its consent citing numerous violations of its guidelines. The Union environment ministry recently refused to clear the group's bauxite mining project in Lanjigarh in Kalahandi district.

Asked why no closure notice had been issued, OSPCB member-secretary Siddhant Das told HT: "The correct procedure is to send show cause notices, then ask for modifications and rectifications, call them for hearings. We issue closure notices only if all these procedures fail to produce results." The board has issued four notices over the last five months. But that doesn't explain how the two power plants for which even trial consent orders were not issued remain in operation. "I have no comments to make on this as I do not know the details," said Das.

Orissa Industry Minister Raghunath Mohanty promised to revert after checking with his staff. Thereafter, he did not respond to calls from HT.

Orissa energy secretary Pradeep Jena said: "Please ask the pollution control board."

Vedanta, however, denied any wrongdoing. "There is no violation of the law. As of today, we have a valid consent from the OSPCB. This means it is satisfied with our pollution control norms. Renewal is an ongoing process, with the OSPCB asking for modifications from time to time," said Abhijit Pati, chief operating officer, Vedanta Aluminium.

On the two units that never received any clearance, Pati reiterated there was no lllegality involved in their operation.

By Priya Ranjan Sahu
Source-The Hindustan times,09-09-2010

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National Forum | The Crimewave That Shames The World

2010-09-07T07:18:00.000-07:00

The Crimewave That Shames The World

It's one of the last great taboos: the murder of at least 20,000 women a year in the name of 'honour'. Nor is the problem confined to the Middle East: the contagion is spreading rapidly.

It is a tragedy, a horror, a crime against humanity. The details of the murders – of the women beheaded, burned to death, stoned to death, stabbed, electrocuted, strangled and buried alive for the "honour" of their families – are as barbaric as they are shameful. Many women's groups in the Middle East and South-west Asia suspect the victims are at least four times the United Nations' latest world figure of around 5,000 deaths a year. Most of the victims are young, many are teenagers, slaughtered under a vile tradition that goes back hundreds of years but which now spans half the globe.

A 10-month investigation by The Independent in Jordan, Pakistan, Egypt, Gaza and the West Bank has unearthed terrifying details of murder most foul. Men are also killed for "honour" and, despite its identification by journalists as a largely Muslim practice, Christian and Hindu communities have stooped to the same crimes. Indeed, the "honour" (or ird) of families, communities and tribes transcends religion and human mercy. But voluntary women's groups, human rights organisations, Amnesty International and news archives suggest that the slaughter of the innocent for "dishonouring" their families is increasing by the year.

Iraqi Kurds, Palestinians in Jordan, Pakistan and Turkey appear to be the worst offenders but media freedoms in these countries may over-compensate for the secrecy which surrounds "honour" killings in Egypt – which untruthfully claims there are none – and other Middle East nations in the Gulf and the Levant. But honour crimes long ago spread to Britain, Belgium, Russia and Canada and many other nations. Security authorities and courts across much of the Middle East have connived in reducing or abrogating prison sentences for the family murder of women, often classifying them as suicides to prevent prosecutions.

It is difficult to remain unemotional at the vast and detailed catalogue of these crimes. How should one react to a man – this has happened in both Jordan and Egypt – who rapes his own daughter and then, when she becomes pregnant, kills her to save the "honour" of his family? Or the Turkish father and grandfather of a 16-year-old girl, Medine Mehmi, in the province of Adiyaman, who was buried alive beneath a chicken coop in February for "befriending boys"? Her body was found 40 days later, in a sitting position and with her hands tied.

Or Aisha Ibrahim Duhulow, 13, who in Somalia in 2008, in front of a thousand people, was dragged to a hole in the ground – all the while screaming, "I'm not going – don't kill me" – then buried up to her neck and stoned by 50 men for adultery? After 10 minutes, she was dug up, found to be still alive and put back in the hole for further stoning. Her crime? She had been raped by three men and, fatally, her family decided to report the facts to the Al-Shabab militia that runs Kismayo. Or the Al-Shabab Islamic "judge" in the same country who announced the 2009 stoning to death of a woman – the second of its kind the same year – for having an affair? Her boyfriend received a mere 100 lashes.

Or the young woman found in a drainage ditch near Daharki in Pakistan, "honour" killed by her family as she gave birth to her second child, her nose, ears and lips chopped off before being axed to death, her first infant lying dead among her clothes, her newborn's torso still in her womb, its head already emerging from her body? She was badly decomposed; the local police were asked to bury her. Women carried the three to a grave, but a Muslim cleric refused to say prayers for her because it was "irreligious" to participate in the namaz-e-janaza prayers for "a cursed woman and her illegitimate children".

So terrible are the details of these "honour" killings, and so many are the women who have been slaughtered, that the story of each one might turn horror into banality. But lest these acts – and the names of the victims, when we are able to discover them – be forgotten, here are the sufferings of a mere handful of women over the past decade, selected at random, country by country, crime after crime.

Last March, Munawar Gul shot and killed his 20-year-old sister, Saanga, in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan, along with the man he suspected was having "illicit relations" with her, Aslam Khan.

In August of 2008, five women were buried alive for "honour crimes" in Baluchistan by armed tribesmen; three of them – Hameeda, Raheema and Fauzia – were teenagers who, after being beaten and shot, were thrown still alive into a ditch where they were covered with stones and earth. When the two older women, aged 45 and 38, protested, they suffered the same fate. The three younger women had tried to choose their own husbands. In the Pakistani parliament, the MP Israrullah Zehri referred to the murders as part of a "centuries-old tradition" which he would "continue to defend".

In December 2003, a 23-year-old woman in Multan, identified only as Afsheen, was murdered by her father because, after an unhappy arranged marriage, she ran off with a man called Hassan who was from a rival, feuding tribe. Her family was educated – they included civil servants, engineers and lawyers. "I gave her sleeping pills in a cup of tea and then strangled her with a dapatta [a long scarf, part of a woman's traditional dress]," her father confessed. He told the police: "Honour is the only thing a man has. I can still hear her screams, she was my favourite daughter. I want to destroy my hands and end my life." The family had found Afsheen with Hassan in Rawalpindi and promised she would not be harmed if she returned home. They were lying.

Zakir Hussain Shah slit the throat of his daughter Sabiha, 18, at Bara Kau in June 2002 because she had "dishonoured" her family. But under Pakistan's notorious qisas law, heirs have powers to pardon a murderer. In this case, Sabiha's mother and brother "pardoned" the father and he was freed. When a man killed his four sisters in Mardan in the same year, because they wanted a share of his inheritance, his mother "pardoned" him under the same law. In Sarghoda around the same time, a man opened fire on female members of his family, killing two of his daughters. Yet again, his wife – and several other daughters wounded by him – "pardoned" the murderer because they were his heirs.

Outrageously, rape is also used as a punishment for "honour" crimes. In Meerwala village in the Punjab in 2002, a tribal "jury" claimed that an 11-year-old boy from the Gujar tribe, Abdul Shakoor, had been walking unchaperoned with a 30-year-old woman from the Mastoi tribe, which "dishonoured" the Mastois. The tribal elders decided that to "return" honour to the group, the boy's 18-year-old sister, Mukhtaran Bibi, should be gang-raped. Her father, warned that all the female members of his family would be raped if he did not bring Mukhtar to them, dutifully brought his daughter to this unholy "jury". Four men, including one of the "jury", immediately dragged the girl to a hut and raped her while up to a hundred men laughed and cheered outside. She was then forced to walk naked through the village to her home. It took a week before the police even registered the crime – as a "complaint".

Acid attacks also play their part in "honour" crime punishments. The Independent itself gave wide coverage in 2001 to a Karachi man called Bilal Khar who poured acid over his wife Fakhra Yunus's face after she left him and returned to her mother's home in the red-light area of the city. The acid fused her lips, burned off her hair, melted her breasts and an ear, and turned her face into "a look of melted rubber". That same year, a 20-year-old woman called Hafiza was shot twice by her brother, Asadullah, in front of a dozen policemen outside a Quetta courthouse because she had refused to follow the tradition of marrying her dead husband's elder brother. She had then married another man, Fayyaz Moon, but police arrested the girl and brought her back to her family in Quetta on the pretext that the couple could formally marry there. But she was forced to make a claim that Fayaz had kidnapped and raped her. It was when she went to court to announce that her statement was made under pressure – and that she still regarded Fayaz as her husband – that Asadullah murdered her. He handed his pistol to a police constable who had witnessed the killing.

One of the most terrible murders in 1999 was that of a mentally retarded 16-year-old, Lal Jamilla Mandokhel, who was reportedly raped by a junior civil servant in Parachinar in the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan. Her uncle filed a complaint with the police but handed Lal over to her tribe, whose elders decided she should be killed to preserve tribal "honour". She was shot dead in front of them. Arbab Khatoon was raped by three men in the Jacobabad district. She filed a complaint with the police. Seven hours later, she was murdered by relatives who claimed she had "dishonoured" them by reporting the crime.

Over 10 years ago, Pakistan's Human Rights Commission was recording "honour" killings at the rate of a thousand a year. But if Pakistan seems to have the worst track record of "honour" crimes – and we must remember that many countries falsely claim to have none – Turkey might run a close second. According to police figures between 2000 and 2006, a reported 480 women – 20 per cent of them between the ages of 19 and 25 – were killed in "honour" crimes and feuds. Other Turkish statistics, drawn up more than five years ago by women's groups, suggest that at least 200 girls and women are murdered every year for "honour". These figures are now regarded as a vast underestimate. Many took place in Kurdish areas of the country; an opinion poll found that 37 per cent of Diyabakir's citizens approved of killing a woman for an extramarital affair. Medine Mehmi, the girl who was buried alive, lived in the Kurdish town of Kahta.

In 2006, authorities in the Kurdish area of South-east Anatolia were recording that a woman tried to commit suicide every few weeks on the orders of her family. Others were stoned to death, shot, buried alive or strangled. A 17-year-old woman called Derya who fell in love with a boy at her school received a text message from her uncle on her mobile phone. It read: "You have blackened our name. Kill yourself and clean our shame or we will kill you first." Derya's aunt had been killed by her grandfather for an identical reason. Her brothers also sent text messages, sometimes 15 a day. Derya tried to carry out her family's wishes. She jumped into the Tigris river, tried to hang herself and slashed her wrists – all to no avail. Then she ran away to a women's shelter.

It took 13 years before Murat Kara, 40, admitted in 2007 that he had fired seven bullets into his younger sister after his widowed mother and uncles told him to kill her for eloping with her boyfriend. Before he murdered his sister in the Kurdish city of Dyabakir, neighbours had refused to talk to Murat Kara and the imam said he was disobeying the word of God if he did not kill his sister. So he became a murderer. Honour restored.

In his book Women In The Grip Of Tribal Customs, a Turkish journalist, Mehmet Farac, records the "honour" killing of five girls in the late 1990s in the province of Sanliurfa. Two of them – one was only 12 – had their throats slit in public squares, two others had tractors driven over them, the fifth was shot dead by her younger brother. One of the women who had her throat cut was called Sevda Gok. Her brothers held her arms down as her adolescent cousin cut her throat.

But the "honour" killing of women is not a uniquely Kurdish crime, even if it is committed in rural areas of the country. In 2001, Sait Kina stabbed his 13-year-old daughter to death for talking to boys in the street. He attacked her in the bathroom with an axe and a kitchen knife. When the police discovered her corpse, they found the girl's head had been so mutilated that the family had tied it together with a scarf. Sait Kina told the police: "I have fulfilled my duty."

In the same year, an Istanbul court reduced a sentence against three brothers from life imprisonment to between four and 12 years after they threw their sister to her death from a bridge after accusing her of being a prostitute. The court concluded that her behaviour had "provoked" the murder. For centuries, virginity tests have been considered a normal part of rural tradition before a woman's marriage. In 1998, when five young women attempted suicide before these tests, the Turkish family affairs minister defended mandated medical examinations for girls in foster homes.

British Kurdish Iraqi campaigner Aso Kamal, of the Doaa Network Against Violence, believes that between 1991 and 2007, 12,500 women were murdered for reasons of "honour" in the three Kurdish provinces of Iraq alone – 350 of them in the first seven months of 2007, for which there were only five convictions. Many women are ordered by their families to commit suicide by burning themselves with cooking oil. In Sulimaniya hospital in 2007, surgeons were treating many women for critical burns which could never have been caused by cooking "accidents" as the women claimed. One patient, Sirwa Hassan, was dying of 86 per cent burns. She was a Kurdish mother of three from a village near the Iranian border. In 2008, a medical officer in Sulimaniya told the AFP news agency that in May alone, 14 young women had been murdered for "honour" crimes in 10 days. In 2000, Kurdish authorities in Sulimaniya had decreed that "the killing or abuse of women under the pretext of cleansing 'shame' is not considered to be a mitigating excuse". The courts, they said, could not apply an old 1969 law "to reduce the penalty of the perpetrator". The new law, of course, made no difference.

But again, in Iraq, it is not only Kurds who believe in "honour" killings. In Tikrit, a young woman in the local prison sent a letter to her brother in 2008, telling him that she had become pregnant after being raped by a prison guard. The brother was permitted to visit the prison, walked into the cell where his now visibly pregnant sister was held, and shot her dead to spare his family "dishonour". The mortuary in Baghdad took DNA samples from the woman's foetus and also from guards at the Tikrit prison. The rapist was a police lieutenant-colonel. The reason for the woman's imprisonment was unclear. One report said the colonel's family had "paid off" the woman's relatives to escape punishment.

In Basra in 2008, police were reporting that 15 women a month were being murdered for breaching "Islamic dress codes". One 17-year-old girl, Rand Abdel-Qader, was beaten to death by her father two years ago because she had become infatuated with a British soldier. Another, Shawbo Ali Rauf, 19, was taken by her family to a picnic in Dokan and shot seven times because they had found an unfamiliar number on her mobile phone.

In Nineveh, Du'a Khalil Aswad was 17 when she was stoned to death by a mob of 2,000 men for falling in love with a man outside her tribe.

In Jordan, women's organisations say that per capita, the Christian minority in this country of just over five million people are involved in more "honour" killings than Muslims – often because Christian women want to marry Muslim men. But the Christian community is loath to discuss its crimes and the majority of known cases of murder are committed by Muslims. Their stories are wearily and sickeningly familiar. Here is Sirhan in 1999, boasting of the efficiency with which he killed his young sister, Suzanne. Three days after the 16-year-old had told police she had been raped, Sirhan shot her in the head four times. "She committed a mistake, even if it was against her will," he said. "Anyway, it's better to have one person die than to have the whole family die of shame." Since then, a deeply distressing pageant of "honour" crimes has been revealed to the Jordanian public, condemned by the royal family and slowly countered with ever tougher criminal penalties by the courts.

Yet in 2001, we find a 22-year-old Jordanian man strangling his 17-year-old married sister – the 12th murder of its kind in seven months – because he suspected her of having an affair. Her husband lived in Saudi Arabia. In 2002, Souad Mahmoud strangled his own sister for the same reason. She had been forced to marry her lover – but when the family found out she had been pregnant before her wedding, they decided to execute her.

In 2005, three Jordanians stabbed their 22-year-old married sister to death for taking a lover. After witnessing the man enter her home, the brothers stormed into the house and killed her. They did not harm her lover.

By March 2008, the Jordanian courts were still treating "honour" killings leniently. That month, the Jordanian Criminal Court sentenced two men for killing close female relatives "in a fit of fury" to a mere six months and three months in prison. In the first case, a husband had found a man in his home with his wife and suspected she was having an affair. In the second, a man shot dead his 29-year-old married sister for leaving home without her husband's consent and "talking to other men on her mobile phone". In 2009, a Jordanian man confessed to stabbing his pregnant sister to death because she had moved back to her family after an argument with her husband; the brother believed she was "seeing other men".

And so it goes on. Three men in Amman stabbing their 40-year-old divorced sister 15 times last year for taking a lover; a Jordanian man charged with stabbing to death his daughter, 22, with a sword because she was pregnant outside wedlock. Many of the Jordanian families were originally Palestinian. Nine months ago, a Palestinian stabbed his married sister to death because of her "bad behaviour". But last month, the Amman criminal court sentenced another sister-killer to 10 years in prison, rejecting his claim of an "honour" killing – but only because there were no witnesses to his claim that she had committed adultery.

In "Palestine" itself, Human Rights Watch has long blamed the Palestinian police and justice system for the near-total failure to protect women in Gaza and the West Bank from "honour" killings. Take, for example, the 17-year-old girl who was strangled by her older brother in 2005 for becoming pregnant – by her own father.

He was present during her murder. She had earlier reported her father to the police. They neither arrested nor interrogated him. In the same year, masked Hamas gunmen shot dead a 20-year-old, Yusra Azzami, for "immoral behaviour" as she spent a day out with her fiancée. Azzami was a Hamas member, her husband-to-be a member of Fatah. Hamas tried to apologise and called the dead woman a "martyr" – to the outrage of her family. Yet only last year, long after Hamas won the Palestinian elections and took over the Gaza Strip, a Gaza man was detained for bludgeoning his daughter to death with an iron chain because he discovered she owned a mobile phone on which he feared she was talking to a man outside the family. He was later released.

Even in liberal Lebanon, there are occasional "honour" killings, the most notorious that of a 31-year-old woman, Mona Kaham, whose father entered her bedroom and cut her throat after learning she had been made pregnant by her cousin. He walked to the police station in Roueiss in the southern suburbs of Beirut with the knife still in his hand. "My conscience is clear," he told the police. "I have killed to clean my honour." Unsurprisingly, a public opinion poll showed that 90.7 per cent of the Lebanese public opposed "honour" crimes. Of the few who approved of them, several believed that it helped to limit interreligious marriage.

Syria reflects the pattern of Lebanon. While civil rights groups are demanding a stiffening of the laws against women-killers, government legislation only raised the term of imprisonment for men who kill female relatives for extramarital sex to two years. Among the most recent cases was that of Lubna, a 17-year-old living in Homs, murdered by her family because she fled to her sister's house after refusing to marry a man they had chosen for her. They also believed – wrongly – that she was no longer a virgin.

Tribal feuds often provoke "honour" killings in Iran and Afghanistan. In Iran, for example, a governor's official in the ethnic Arab province of Khuzestan stated in 2003 that 45 young women under the age of 20 had been murdered in "honour" killings in just two months, none of which brought convictions. All were slaughtered because of the girl's refusal to agree to an arranged marriage, failing to abide by Islamic dress code or suspected of having contacts with men outside the family.

Through the dark veil of Afghanistan's village punishments, we glimpse just occasionally the terror of teenage executions. When Siddiqa, who was only 19, and her 25-year-old fiancé Khayyam were brought before a Taliban-approved religious court in Kunduz province this month, their last words were: "We love each other, no matter what happens." In the bazaar at Mulla Quli, a crowd – including members of both families – stoned to death first Siddiqa, then Khayyam.

A week earlier, a woman identified as Bibi Sanubar, a pregnant widow, was lashed a hundred times and then shot in the head by a Taliban commander. In April of last year, Taliban gunmen executed by firing squad a man and a girl in Nimruz for eloping when the young woman was already engaged to someone else. History may never disclose how many hundreds of women – and men – have suffered a similar fates at the hands of deeply traditional village families or the Taliban.

But the contagion of "honour" crimes has spread across the globe, including acid attacks on women in Bangladesh for refusing marriages. In one of the most terrible Hindu "honour" killings in India this year, an engaged couple, Yogesh Kumar and Asha Saini, were murdered by the 19-year-old bride-to-be's family because her fiancée was of lower caste. They were apparently tied up and electrocuted to death.

A similar fate awaited 18-year-old Vishal Sharma, a Hindu Brahmin, who wanted to marry Sonu Singh, a 17- year-old Jat – an "inferior" caste which is usually Muslim. The couple were hanged and their bodies burned in Uttar Pradesh. Three years earlier, a New Delhi court had sentenced to death five men for killing another couple who were of the same sub-caste, which in the eyes of the local "caste council" made them brother and sister.

In Chechnya, Russia's chosen President, Ramzan Kadyrov, has been positively encouraging men to kill for "honour". When seven murdered women were found in Grozny, shot in the head and chest, Kadyrov announced – without any proof, but with obvious approval – that they had been killed for living "an immoral life". Commenting on a report that a Chechen girl had called the police to complain of her abusive father, he suggested the man should be able to murder his daughter. "... if he doesn't kill her, what kind of man is he? He brings shame on himself!"

, as we like to call it, where immigrant families have sometimes brought amid their baggage the cruel traditions of their home villages: an Azeri immigrant charged in St Petersburg for hiring hitmen to kill his daughter because she "flouted national tradition" by wearing a miniskirt; near the Belgian city of Charleroi, Sadia Sheikh shot dead by her brother, Moussafa, because she refused to marry a Pakistani man chosen by her family; in the suburbs of Toronto, Kamikar Kaur Dhillon slashes his Punjabi daughter-in-law, Amandeep, across the throat because she wants to leave her arranged marriage, perhaps for another man. He told Canadian police that her separation would "disgrace the family name".

And, of course, we should perhaps end this catalogue of crime in Britain, where only in the past few years have we ourselves woken to the reality of "honour" crimes; of Surjit Athwal, a Punjabi Sikh woman murdered on the orders of her London-based mother-in-law for trying to escape a violent marriage; of 15-year-old Tulay Goren, a Turkish Kurd from north London, tortured and murdered by her Shia Muslim father because she wished to marry a Sunni Muslim man; of Heshu Yones, 16, stabbed to death by her father in 2005 for going out with a Christian boy; of Caneze Riaz, burned alive by her husband in Accrington, along with their four children – the youngest 10 years old – because of their "Western ways". Mohamed Riaz was a Muslim Pakistani from the North-West Frontier Province. He died of burns two days after the murders.

Scotland Yard long ago admitted it would have to review over a hundred deaths, some going back more than a decade, which now appear to have been "honour" killings.

These are just a few of the murders, a few names, a small selection of horror stories across the world to prove the pervasive, spreading infection of what must be recognised as a mass crime, a tradition of family savagery that brooks no merciful intervention, no state law, rarely any remorse.

Murdered in 1998 by her in-laws on a trip to the Indian Punjab for daring to seek a divorce from an unhappy marriage

Aged 17, she was stoned to death in Nineveh, Iraq, by a mob of 2,000 men for falling in love with a man outside her tribe

The Iraqi 17-year-old was stabbed to death by her father two years ago after falling in love with a British soldier in Basra. Fakhra Khar

In 2001 in Karachi, her husband poured acid on her face, after she left him and returned to her mother's home in the red-light district of the city

Mukhtaran Bibi

The 18-year-old was gang-raped by four men in a hut in the Punjab in 2002, while up to 100 men laughed and cheered outside

Heshu Yones

The 16-year-old was stabbed to death by her Muslim father Abdullah, in west London in 2002, because he disapproved of her Christian boyfriend

Tasleem Solangi

The Pakistani village girl, 17, was falsely accused of immorality and had dogs set on her as a punishment before she was shot dead by in-laws

Shawbo Ali Rauf

Aged 19, she was taken by her family to a picnic in Dokan, Iraq, and shot seven times after they had found an unfamiliar number on her phone

Tulay Goren

The 15-year-old Kurdish girl was killed in north London by her father because the family objected to her choice of husband

Banaz Mahmod Babakir Agha
The 20-year-old's father and uncle murdered her in 2007, after she fell in love with a man her family did not want her to marry

Ayesha Baloch
Accused of having sexual relations with another man before she married, her husband slit her lip and nostril with a knife in Pakistan in 2006.

By Robert Fisk
Source-Independent,07-09-2010

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RE: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete

2010-09-09T05:22:00.000-07:00

The Maoist have lost their legitimate rights by killing those who are in custody,
those supporting them must know that if police killed those in custody would
have been prosecuted and punished. Strict action should be taken. We must not
demoralise our police knowing well as to how they are working in adverse situations.

We ask a simple question to those who are supporting Maoists that, from where they
get sophisticated arms, if they want their welfare educate them?

Vinod Bhanti

To: national-forum-of-india@yahoogroups.co.in
From: Subhashini_Ali@yahoo.com
Date: Sun, 5 Sep 2010 21:46:20 -0700
Subject: Re: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete

Shri Sai baba and others like him have also not heard of others like the teacher who was taken out of his school 3 days ago and then killed because he had not attended Mamta's rally. Also they choose not to hear about the Anganwadi worker who was raped and killed for the same reason. And many others

Subhashini Ali

--- On Sat, 9/4/10, Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com>
Subject: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete
To: national-forum-of-india@yahoogroups.co.in
Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 11:48 PM

[Quote

Killing people after taking them into custody ... is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

Unquote

It appears that Mr. Saibaba has never ever heard of Francis Induwar who was beheaded after capture and his beheaded body thrown on the road.]

I/III.

From: Saibaba G N <gnsaibaba@gmail.com>
Subject: The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable

Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 12:07 AM

The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable.

Killing people after taking them into custody is a pattern followed by the Indian state, as in the case of Azad, and Hemchandra Pandey, but is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

It is imperative for the CPI (Maoist) to immediately release the remaining police personnel in their custody, as a gesture of their goodwill, and for the Indian government to respond by initiating talks with the CPI (Maoist) genuinely and seriously.--

G N SAIBABA

II.
Peoples Union for Democratic Rights

Press statement condemning the gruesome killing of Bihar Policeman Lukas Tete by Maoists

4th September 2010

Peoples Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi (PUDR) unequivocally condemns
the killing of Bihar policeman Lukas Tete by the Maoists. PUDR considers
this act as brutal and violative of all democratic norms and harmful to the
peoples and democratic movements. PUDR demands the immediate release of the
policemen taken hostage.

PUDR once again reiterates that, if the war is imposed, then the warring
parties involved should abide by the Geneva Convention and Protocol III
(dealing with non-international conflicts) and other Covenants which govern
the conduct of war/s. Once a person is taken into custody, by any warring
side, it becomes the bounden responsibility of the captors to ensure safety
of the person in their custody.

PUDR has also consistently maintained that the Indian state should seriously
engage in dialogue with the Maoists. However, the Indian state and esp. the
Home Ministry has shown very little signs of seriously engaging any sort of
dialogue with the Maoists This is clearly revealed in the incidence related
to the murder of Cherukri Rajkumar @ Azad, with whom the Home Minister and
his emissary were in the process of negotiation.

Moushumi Basu & Asish Gupta
Secretaries, PUDR--

III.

MAOISTS RELEASE 2
The Maoists had abducted Sub Inspectors Abhay Yadav and Rupesh Kumar and Bihar Military Police havildar Ehtesham Khan hostage and Assistant Sub-Inspector Lucas Tete after the encounter in Lakhisarai on Sunday. Tete''s bullet-ridden body was found yesterday after expiry of the deadline swapping them for eight Maoists while the other three policemen remained in captivity. "Sub Inspector Abhay Yadav''s wife''s grief has also influenced us and her emotional outbursts that she will ask her sons to take to guns and become Naxalites as also appeals from various quarters and organisations compelled us to reconsider our decision on the hostage issue", Avinash said. "But I will like to make it clear that we are not going to hand over the hostages either to police or mediamen... we will send them to their respective families, safe and sound", he added. He said Maoists did want to give any credit to the state government over the release of the hostages."We will also not let others score a political mileage... we are doing this on our own, giving due humanitariun considerations", he said. The Maoist spokesman said the state government had always tried to "complicate the situation". "It wants to come to negotiating table instead of paying heed to our demand for release of our eight colleagues lodged in different jails in Bihar," he said. Avinash said Maoists were peeved at Nitish Kumar questioning the authenticity of his position. "Whatever I spoke to the media and the CDs we sent to the families of each of the hostages with footage showing that they were hale and hearty also vindicated my claim of representing the Maoists.

Source- IBNLIVE

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National Forum | Human Rights Defenders Harassed By Police In West Bengal

2010-09-09T03:57:00.000-07:00

The Chairman
National Human Rights Commission
Faridkot House
Copernicus Marg
New Delhi 1

Respected Sir

In another incident of gross violation of Constitutional rights bestowed by the State to its citizenry; the police personnel attached with Naihati police station arbitrarily detained 9 human rights defenders (activists) at the said police station without showing any reasons for more than 9 hours. Later, the persons were released from police confinement, again without showing any reasons for the same.

Illegal detention and subsequent harassments are 'rule of thumb' for the West Bengal government and its police for any dissenting voices.

On 8.9.2010 at about 2 pm on 8.9.2010, 8 persons were putting posters in front of Naihati Jute Mill; supporting the cause of the labourers of the said Mill, the posters were with no infringing content. While the activists putting posters, a contingent of police personnel from Naihati Police Station arrived at the spot in two police vehicles. The police took all of them at Naihati Police Station by two of their vehicles. Though, the police took custody of females, no female police personnel were present during their drive. After reaching at the said Police Station, the police personnel led by the Officer in Charge of the said Police Station started interrogating those persons with making several discriminatory remarks, mainly police questioned about their links with 'Maoist' politics and family details. The said persons were detained in the said police station from 2pm to 11 pm. The police took such actions against those persons without formally arresting them and did not make any memo of arrest at the spot of their apprehension (arrest) and the information of their apprehension (arrest) was neither informed the family, friends or persons known to the detainees.

Even the police did not communicate the grounds and full particulars of the offence, if any, for which they were apprehended (arrested). Police forced the detainees to sit at the courtyard of the PS for 9 hours and interrogated them. The detainees interrogated either jointly or separately but without any female police personal.

The detainees were, Ms. Debjani Ghosh; a student of Jadavpur University, Mr. Soumya Mondal; a student of Presidency College- Calcutta University, Ms. Rumpa Roy; student of Surendranath College- Calcutta University, Mr. Arup Biswas; student of Bidhan Nagar College, Mr. Subhrapratim Sinha; student of Techno- India, Mr. Debashis Biswas; a student of Polytechnic College, Mr. Raktim Ghosh; a B. Tech from MSI and also Secretary of USDF and Mr. Ayan Bannerjee; Secretary of SSM. This should be mentioned here that USDF (United Students Democratic Front) is a student organization, while SSM (Sangrami Shramik Mancha) is a labour organization.

Later in the evening on the same day some social activists reached at the police station and after having an argument with the Officer in Charge of the said police station, the detainees were released. Police did not ask to furnish personal bond while releasing the detainees. The Officer in Charge made a lame excuse that, the police brought said persons at the police station for some routine inquiry, but failed to elaborate further.

A local TV Channel in the evening telecasted news that the said persons were arrested in connection with 'Maoist' activities.

The power of police to apprehend shall not be exercised arbitrarily violating dignity and the liberty of an individual. The law recognized some rights of an individual at the time of his apprehension by police in Article 21 and 22(1) of the Constitution of India, Code of Criminal Procedure and the guidelines issued by the Supreme Court of India in DK Basu judgment. The police are duty bound to recognize and scrupulously protect those rights. But in this case the police are accused of non-compliance of those rights and this amount to disregard of the procedure established by law.

If it is a case of arrest, police must follow the norms of arrest. If it is a case of interrogation then those eight people should be served with notice. In this case, it is proved that police of Naihati police station showed they are above the law. They can arrest anyone anytime and also can release them according to their whims.

Government of India vowed before international community that it will protect the human rights defenders in India while affirming the "Declaration on Human Rights Defenders" adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1998 (General Assembly resolution 53/144).

We condemn the high handedness of police and illegal detention of human rights defenders and demand the whole incident should be investigated by your own agency.

--
Kirity Roy

Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha
(MASUM)
&
(PACTI)
Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity
West Bengal INDIA
www.masum.org.in

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National Forum | Delhi Govt. & MCD Fail To Appoint Special Teachers - SJ Serves Contempt Notices On Chief Sect. Mr. Rakesh Mehta & Mpl. Comm. Mr. K S Mehra

2010-09-09T00:26:00.000-07:00

SOCIAL JURIST
A Civil Rights Group

To,
09.09.2010
Shri Rakesh Mehta,

Chief Secretary,

Govt. of N.C.T of Delhi,

Delhi Secretariat, I.P. Estate,

New Delhi

2.                  Shri K.S. Mehra,

Commissioner,

Municipal Corporation of Delhi

Town Hall, Chandni Chowk,

Delhi-110006

Subject: - Contempt Notice- Delhi Govt. & MCD fail to appoint special teachers in schools in compliance of Delhi High Court order dated 16.09.2009

Dear Sir,

Take notice that a Division Bench of Hon'ble Delhi High Court has passed orders dated 16.09.2009 in W.P.( C ) No. 6771 of 2008 (PIL) entitled Social Jurist, A Civil Rights Group vs. Govt. of N.C.T of Delhi & Anr. directing you to ensure that each school should have at least 2 special teachers and further that necessary teaching aids and reading material are provided within 6 months. The relevant para 6 of the said judgment is reproduced as under:-

"6.   Keeping in view the aforesaid affidavits, we are of the opinion that respondent nos. 1, 2, 5 and 6 should try to achieve teacher pupil ratio of 1:5 at the secondary level and 1:2 at the primary level. We further direct respondent nos. 1, 2, 5 and 6 to grant equivalence to B.Ed. (SE) with B.Ed. (General) and to D.Ed. (S.E) with D.Ed./TTC for the purpose of appointment of special teachers in all schools in the State as well as schools run by local bodies namely NDMC, MCD and Cantonment Board. Needless to say that the service conditions of the special teachers shall be same as that of the regular teachers holding the qualification of general teachers. We also request the respondent nos. 1,2,5 and 6 to consider granting preference and priority to candidates holding B.Ed. (SE) and D.Ed. (SE) degrees in appointment of teachers in all their schools. The school authorities shall ensure that each school shall at least two special teachers and further that necessary teaching aids and reading material are provided. This shall be done in within six months."

A copy of the said order dated 16.09.2009 is enclosed hereto for your ready reference.

Take notice that a period of 6 months as stipulated in the aforesaid order dated 16.09.2009 has since expired and till date you have not taken any step to implement the aforementioned directions having being given by the Hon'ble Delhi High Court.

Take notice that you have deliberately and intentionally disobeyed the aforementioned directions of the Hon'ble High Court which amounts to contempt of Hon'ble High Court and attracts penal action against you.

With regards

Ashok Agarwal

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National Forum | No Pollution Clearance, Vedanta Runs 10 Units

2010-09-08T22:23:00.000-07:00

No Pollution Clearance, Vedanta Runs 10 Units

Bhubaneswar:



The Vedanta group is operating a large aluminium smelter plant and nine captive power units in Orissa's Jharsuguda district without clearances from the state pollution control board (OSPCB). Sources said there is massive political pressure on the OSPCB to wink at these transgressions and allow the plants to operate as this is one of the state's two showpiece FDI projects. Over two days — Tuesday and Wednesday — the state government stonewalled HT's efforts to obtain its reaction.
According to a Right to Information reply obtained from OSPCB by an activist, two 135 MW captive power units of Vedanta Aluminium's 500,000-tonne-a-year smelter never got any clearance from the board.

Then, the "trial consent to operate" order OSPCB issued to the smelter and seven other 135 MW captive power plants expired on March 31 this year. The board has refused to renew its consent citing numerous violations of its guidelines. The Union environment ministry recently refused to clear the group's bauxite mining project in Lanjigarh in Kalahandi district.

Asked why no closure notice had been issued, OSPCB member-secretary Siddhant Das told HT: "The correct procedure is to send show cause notices, then ask for modifications and rectifications, call them for hearings. We issue closure notices only if all these procedures fail to produce results." The board has issued four notices over the last five months. But that doesn't explain how the two power plants for which even trial consent orders were not issued remain in operation. "I have no comments to make on this as I do not know the details," said Das.

Orissa Industry Minister Raghunath Mohanty promised to revert after checking with his staff. Thereafter, he did not respond to calls from HT.

Orissa energy secretary Pradeep Jena said: "Please ask the pollution control board."

Vedanta, however, denied any wrongdoing. "There is no violation of the law. As of today, we have a valid consent from the OSPCB. This means it is satisfied with our pollution control norms. Renewal is an ongoing process, with the OSPCB asking for modifications from time to time," said Abhijit Pati, chief operating officer, Vedanta Aluminium.

On the two units that never received any clearance, Pati reiterated there was no lllegality involved in their operation.

By Priya Ranjan Sahu
Source-The Hindustan times,09-09-2010

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Re: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete

2010-09-08T22:16:00.000-07:00

The act of killing linked with insecurity and people who are doing are insecure due to the system. Anganwadi or any women raped in this country is a matter of concern especially when the justice is delayed even in Fast Track or Phrase Track courts. Fight of justice in country is a difficult nit to crack. Corruption has become the integral part of our system.

Qamar Joy Zaidi

--- On Mon, 9/6/10, Subhashini Ali <Subhashini_Ali@yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Subhashini Ali <Subhashini_Ali@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete
To: national-forum-of-india@yahoogroups.co.in
Date: Monday, September 6, 2010, 10:16 AM

Shri Sai baba and others like him have also not heard of others like the teacher who was taken out of his school 3 days ago and then killed because he had not attended Mamta's rally. Also they choose not to hear about the Anganwadi worker who was raped and killed for the same reason. And many others

Subhashini Ali

--- On Sat, 9/4/10, Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com>
Subject: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete
To: national-forum-of-india@yahoogroups.co.in
Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 11:48 PM

[Quote

Killing people after taking them into custody ... is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

Unquote

It appears that Mr. Saibaba has never ever heard of Francis Induwar who was beheaded after capture and his beheaded body thrown on the road.]

I/III.

From: Saibaba G N <gnsaibaba@gmail.com>
Subject: The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable

Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 12:07 AM

The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable.

Killing people after taking them into custody is a pattern followed by the Indian state, as in the case of Azad, and Hemchandra Pandey, but is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

It is imperative for the CPI (Maoist) to immediately release the remaining police personnel in their custody, as a gesture of their goodwill, and for the Indian government to respond by initiating talks with the CPI (Maoist) genuinely and seriously.--

G N SAIBABA

II.
Peoples Union for Democratic Rights

Press statement condemning the gruesome killing of Bihar Policeman Lukas Tete by Maoists

4th September 2010

Peoples Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi (PUDR) unequivocally condemns
the killing of Bihar policeman Lukas Tete by the Maoists. PUDR considers
this act as brutal and violative of all democratic norms and harmful to the
peoples and democratic movements. PUDR demands the immediate release of the
policemen taken hostage.

PUDR once again reiterates that, if the war is imposed, then the warring
parties involved should abide by the Geneva Convention and Protocol III
(dealing with non-international conflicts) and other Covenants which govern
the conduct of war/s. Once a person is taken into custody, by any warring
side, it becomes the bounden responsibility of the captors to ensure safety
of the person in their custody.

PUDR has also consistently maintained that the Indian state should seriously
engage in dialogue with the Maoists. However, the Indian state and esp. the
Home Ministry has shown very little signs of seriously engaging any sort of
dialogue with the Maoists This is clearly revealed in the incidence related
to the murder of Cherukri Rajkumar @ Azad, with whom the Home Minister and
his emissary were in the process of negotiation.

Moushumi Basu & Asish Gupta
Secretaries, PUDR--

III.

MAOISTS RELEASE 2
The Maoists had abducted Sub Inspectors Abhay Yadav and Rupesh Kumar and Bihar Military Police havildar Ehtesham Khan hostage and Assistant Sub-Inspector Lucas Tete after the encounter in Lakhisarai on Sunday. Tete''s bullet-ridden body was found yesterday after expiry of the deadline swapping them for eight Maoists while the other three policemen remained in captivity. "Sub Inspector Abhay Yadav''s wife''s grief has also influenced us and her emotional outbursts that she will ask her sons to take to guns and become Naxalites as also appeals from various quarters and organisations compelled us to reconsider our decision on the hostage issue", Avinash said. "But I will like to make it clear that we are not going to hand over the hostages either to police or mediamen... we will send them to their respective families, safe and sound", he added. He said Maoists did want to give any credit to the state government over the release of the hostages."We will also not let others score a political mileage... we are doing this on our own, giving due humanitariun considerations", he said. The Maoist spokesman said the state government had always tried to "complicate the situation". "It wants to come to negotiating table instead of paying heed to our demand for release of our eight colleagues lodged in different jails in Bihar," he said. Avinash said Maoists were peeved at Nitish Kumar questioning the authenticity of his position. "Whatever I spoke to the media and the CDs we sent to the families of each of the hostages with footage showing that they were hale and hearty also vindicated my claim of representing the Maoists.

Source- IBNLIVE

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National Forum | Coming Up Soon, Special Hostels For ST Students In Cities

2010-09-08T19:04:00.000-07:00

Coming Up Soon, Special Hostels For ST Students In Cities

Bhubaneswar

In a bid to give quality education to the Scheduled Tribe students of remote areas in city atmospheres, the State Government on Tuesday decided to take up a new plan for setting up special hostels in major cities of the State.

A decision to this effect was taken at a high-level meeting held under Chief Minister of Odisha Naveen Patnaik at the State Secretariat. As per the decision, these hostels for schedule tribe students would provide boarding facilities for the boys and girls of the Scheduled Caste category from remote areas of the State. The hostels would come up in cities like Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, Sambalpur, Berhampur, Balasore and Rourkela. Each hostel would have facilities for 100 students.

The students would be provided education from Class I to Class X and will get admission in Kendriya Vidyalayas and various English medium schools. The main objective of the new plan is to make the students get opportunities to compete with other students studying in cities.

These students would be provided extra tuitions. The State Government would bear all the expenses.

It was also decided that a hostel of excellence would be set up in the Bhubaneswar besides special hostels.

One hundred meritorious students among the above students who would study + 2 Science would be accommodated in this hostel of excellence.

They would be given coaching free of cost for getting admissions in IIT, NIT and medical colleges.

To provide coaching to such students, the State Government would tie up with a coaching institute.

The State Government would also bear the expenses of these students for their higher study.

Among others, SC and ST Development Minister Bijay Ranjan Singh Bariahand Chief Secretary BK Patnaik were present.

Source-DailyPioneer,09-09-2010

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National Forum | List Of Armed Camps Of CPM In J Mahal

2010-09-08T11:41:00.000-07:00

List of armed CPI(M) cadre camps in the Jangalmahal region of West Bengal

The following is the list of camps, set up by CPI(M) in Jangalmahal, the region where subalterns- the Adivasis- live in West Bengal. Operation Green Hunt is on there jointly by the West Bengal Police, Central Reserve Police Force abd other federal para-military forces, under the direction and supervision of West Bengal government - rather Left Front government, led by the CPI(M). The camps are mainly for training 'harmads' - coinage for hoodlums invluding CPI(M) cadres and hoodlums,.The LF chairman and CPI(M) polit bureau member initially said, there are no camps for arms training but subsequently backed out. The region is under Section 144 of CrPc which prohibits gathering of four or more persons anywhere.

That's the way WB chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, also a CPI(M) PB member, has been using police and OGH to intimidate Adivasis.

September 7 2010

Lalgarh and adjoining areas of jangalmahal, the adivasi-populated districts of West Bengal, have been ravaged by the armed gangs of the ruling CPI(M), ever since their entry into the area was facilitated by the joint state and central security forces. Organized in a paramilitary manner, on the lines of the notorious Salwa Judum of Chattisgarh, and housed in numerous camps dotting the entire jangalmahal region, the armed CPI(M) cadres, called locally as harmads, have been raiding villages, burning and looting houses, killing people, raping women and working closely with the joint forces in tracking down and killing leaders of the PCAPA, all in the name of regaining lost territory in the Lalgarh area. Recruited from areas such as Keshpur and Garbeta and also Jharkhand, and under the direction of senior CPI(M) leaders, in the last few months they have styled themselves as "Mao daman sena" (Maoist suppression army). In the recent past, they are widely believed to have been involved in the Sonamukhi rapes, in the Jnaneshwari Express derailment and the killing of Umakanta Mahato, a leader of the PCAPA. Though numerous statements regarding the presence of these armed camps in the area have been made, including by the Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee, the home minister P Chiambaram, the governor of West Bengal M K Narayanan and in a report by the Intelligence Bureau of the central government, the West Bengal government has flatly denied the existence of such camps. Last week, a group of reporters who had gone to the area to investigate the presence of these camps, were beaten up and their camers destroyed by CPI(M) harmads.

Here for the first time we make public the list of harmad camps in jangalmahal, as on 5th August, 2010. More such camps have been set up in the last one month, as the harmads have advanced deeper into the area, and hundreds of people have fled from their villages. As the list shows, most of the camps have been set up in primary schools and in other government buildings including panchayat offices and Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) centres.

In many cases the harmad camps have been set up adjoining the base camps of the security forces. It is quite clear that the West Bengal government is blatantly allowing the use of government infrastructure, and worse, educational institutions, for furthering the nefarious and destructive activities of the ruling CPI(M) party, and the harmads are being accorded protection and impunity by the joint state and central forces.

List
of CPI(M) harmad
camps


No.	Name of village	Number of Harmads	Location
	Goaltore block, West Medinipur
1.	Patharpara	150	High school, primary school ( combined forces base camp)
2.	Santhargeria	20	Primary school
3.	Amlachati Podabanali	100	Primary school
4.	Dopati	20	Primary school
5.	Chowrangi More	30
6.	Singla	30	Junior high school
7.	Bhedua	10	Prmary school
8.	Chotonagdana	10	High school (upper floor of hostel)
9.	Nischintapur
10.	Keshia	20	Primary school
11.	Amjore	15	Primary school
12.	Komarpur	15	Primary school
13.	Moyna	30	Primary school
14.	Kanjimakli	30	Panchayat office
15.	Thakurpara	10
16.	Pidabandh	6
17.	Hadimara
18.	Kadma
19.	Amlashuli
20.	Goaltore	40	CPI(M) zonal committee office
21.	Hatimashan
22.	Keyamacha		CPI(M) party office
23.	Dikunaji
24.	Pingbani
25.	Kharkanta Ukhla		Primary school
26.	Jeerapara		Dhamcha primary school
27.	Betjharia		Jeerapara panchayat office
28.	Metla		Metla panchayat office
29.	Andar Alia		CPI(M) branch committee office
30.	Pakudiha		Primary school
31.	Jamirashole		Primary school

	Shalboni block, West Medinipur
32.	Chatuni Paradiha	50	Primary school, at home of CPI(M) local committee member (LCM) Bikash Ukil
33.	Jatra Bishnupur
34.	Dhangashole	20	Primary school
35.	Retingshole	25	Primary school
36.	Sitanathpur	50	High school, at home of MLA Khagen Mahato
37.	Ashnashuli	15	Primary school
38.	Kashijora	15	Panchayat office
39.	Bhursha	10
40.	Parulia	50
41.	Baghpichla	70	Primary school
42.	Jara		Panchayat office
43.	Dakshinshole	150	Primary school
44.	Moushole		High school (operation head-quarter)
45.	Bhadutala	70	CPI(M) party office (combined forces base camp)
46.	Shalboni	50	CPI(M) party office, Tushar Bhawan

	Medinipur Sadar block, West Medinipur
47.	Deluoa	150
48	Enayetpur		CPI(M) party office
49.	Kangshabati
50.	Chandra	70	Local committee office
51.	Kelemari	15	Integrated child development scheme (ICDS) centre
52.	Bhatpara
53.	Chandpur
54.	Bhalukhutiya	30	Primary school, factory
55.	Medinipur town

	Jhargram block, West Medinipur
56.	Chuntri	70	Private house
57.	Agrashole	70	House of Prashanta Das
58.	Pathri	70
59.	Jhargram town		Two lodges in Bachurdoba

	Jamboni block, West Medinipur
60.	Dubra	40	Panchayat office and CPI(M) party office

	Nayagram block, West Medinipur
61.	Patina (Nakbadi)
62.	Kalma (Pukuria)

	Sankrail block, West Medinipur
63.	Ragra
64.	Baroda
65.	Kultikri		Combined forces base camp

	Belpahari block, West Medinipur
66.	Dhenkia	30	Club
67.	Kapat kanta	30	Primary school
68.	Harda

	Simlapal block, Bankura
69.	Dubrajpur	30	Primary school
70.	Bikrampur

	Sarenga block, Bankura
71.	Sarenga		CPI(M) zonal committee office
72.	Bejdanga

	Rahipur block, Bankura
73.	Baksi
74.	Dumurtore
75.	Dhenko

	Bandowan block, Purulia
76.	Sarga	50	In the house of LCM Raghu Singh
77.	Chirudi	40	CPI(M) party office
78.	Bandowan	30	CPI(M) zonal committee office
79.	Jhurigora	25	In the house of LCM Lakshmi Mahato

	Balarampur block, Purulia
80.	Market
81.	Ghatbera	10	In the house of LCM Madhu Mandal

	Arsha block, Purulia
82.	Sundarpur
83.	Kantadi

	Barabazar block, Purulia
84.	Berada
85.	Barabazar		CPI(M) zonal committee office
86.	Hanspur		In the house of LCM

Source-Sanhati

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National Forum | Julia Roberts Is Not The First Celebrity To Embrace Hinduism

2010-09-06T20:11:00.000-07:00

Julia The Hindu, And The Pray In Eat Pray Love

It may surprise some people, the young in particular, but Julia Roberts
is not the first big-time celeb to embrace elements of Hinduism and, as
a result, inadvertently educate vast numbers of people about the
tradition. And Elizabeth Gilbert is not the first author to write about
a personal transformation resulting from time in an ashram and the
practice of yogic disciplines. Nor is Eat Pray Love the first film to
depict India's primary religious tradition in a positive way (a group
that does not include The Love Guru).

The list of famous folks drawn to Indian-style spirituality goes back to
the days when no one had seen a photograph, much less a moving picture.
In the 19th century, Ralph Waldo Emerson, a literary superstar in the
days of the Lyceum Circuit, was deeply indebted to the Hindoo (that's
how they spelled it then) texts that sailed into Boston Harbor from
Europe. So was Emerson's acolyte, Henry David Thoreau, who rhapsodized
about the Bhagavad Gita in Walden. Beginning in the 1920s, Paramahansa
Yogananda -- a celebrity in his own right after the publication, in
1946, of his Autobiography of a Yogi -- attracted students like the
composer Leopold Stokowski, the scientist Luther Burbank and the
reclusive actress Greta Garbo. Long before Sting and Madonna posed in
yoga postures, the gossip pages linked stars such as Gloria Swanson,
Marlon Brando, Cary Grant and Marilyn Monroe to various Yoga teachers.
Marilyn, Walter Winchell reported, took up Yoga "to improve her legs,"
but some of her fans who followed her lead no doubt discovered more
profound uses for the discipline.

In the 50s and 60s, musical celebrities like violinist Yehudi Menuhin,
jazz legend John Coltrane, and, of course, George Harrison, linked up
with Ravi Shankar and turned on their fans to the spiritual tradition
than underlies Indian classical music. Then came the mother of all
spiritual media frenzies, when the Beatles, Donovan and Mia Farrow made
their way to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi's ashram on the Ganges. Celebrity
links to Hindu-derived teachings continued to crop up on a regular
basis, from Mary Tyler Moore, the 1970s version of America's sweetheart
(who endorsed Transcendental Meditation on national TV) to today's
sweetheart, Julia.

As for Elizabeth Gilbert, she is the latest in a long line of authors
whose personal quests inspired literature that brought Eastern ideas to
large numbers of readers. Emerson and Thoreau were the group's
progenitors, and later memoirists and essayists took up the mantle: the
British adventurer Paul Brunton; the American yogi Theos Bernard; the
Catholic mystic Thomas Merton; the British expatriots Christopher
Isherwood, Gerald Heard and Aldous Huxley; the psychologist Richard
Alpert, who metamorphosed from Timothy Leary's psychedelic sidekick to
Ram Dass after meeting Neem Karoli Baba, the very guru whose photograph
reportedly inspired Ms. Roberts to explore Hinduism; and, in the 1980s,
Shirley MacLaine whose Out on a Limb sold a zillion copies and was made
into a TV movie. Other authors--Hermann Hesse, Somerset Maugham, J.D.
Salinger chief among them--converted their explorations into fiction
that turned many a reader toward India. T.S. Eliot, W.B. Yeats and
others did it in verse. And now the film version of Eat Pray Love joins
a cinematic tradition that includes two adaptations of Maugham's The
Razor's Edge, Louis Malle's Phantom India, several Merchant-Ivory films,
Satyajit Ray's magnificent Apu Trilogy and, of course, Gandhi, 1982's
Best Picture of the Year.

Artistic merit aside -- Gilbert is not Salinger and the movie version of
her memoir is to the Apu Trilogy what Britney is to Bach -- the point is
that once again the powerful forces of celebrity and popular culture
have thrust India's Vedic heritage into the spotlight. All the media
attention inspires some to cynicism and others to a genuine spiritual
enquiry. On the whole, we are better for it, because the key ideas that
get transmitted, however imperfectly, through the books, films and
tabloid ballyhoo point to a pragmatic spirituality of openness,
universality and freedom. As the saying goes, we have seen this movie
before, and we shall see it again, because India's greatest export is
neither spices nor high-tech entrepreneurs, but its ancient legacy of
spiritual genius.

Philip Goldberg
Source-huffingtonpost, 01-09-2010

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National Forum | Maoists Split Wide Open After Policeman's Execution

2010-09-06T06:59:00.000-07:00

Maoists Split Wide Open After Policeman's Execution

Police officials Abhay Yadav, Rupesh Kumar Sinha, Ehsan Khan and Tete were abducted after Maoists killed seven Bihar Military Police jawans in an encounter in the Kajra jungles of Lakhisarai, 170 km east of Patna. There was a difference among the four men: Tete, a trainee assistant sub-inspector, was a Christian tribal.

The Maoists' top tribal zonal commander, Birbal Murmu, who was in the area on August 29, demanded that area zonal commander Arvind Yadav kill the other three policemen too. Arvind Yadav, however, shielded Ajay Yadav, who shared his caste, though he demanded that the Bihar government release eight top Maoist leaders for.

Murmu's demand is said to have led to sporadic firing between his group and that led by Arvind Yadav in a forest tract some 20 km southeast of Lakhisarai, late night on Sunday. Arvind Yadav's group forced Murmu to retreat from, but they released the three policemen because they feared they couldn't ensure their safety.

<b>Caste lines in rebel ranks</b>

Murmu's line was consistent with the voices from within Jharkhand, where mainstream tribal leaders had warned of 'reprisals' on the Maoists for 'using tribals to kill tribals'. The warnings had come via Enos Ekka and Bandhu Tirkey, both former ministers.

Outside Bihar, it is the tribal groups and communities -- deprived of development and employment -- that have joined the Maoist ranks. The command chain of the Maoists in Orissa, Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and West Bengal rests on tribal commanders and cadres. And it is among such elements, that the killing of a tribal has not gone down well.

In contrast, Bihar's command systems rests on the powerful Yadav groups and Koeris, who lord over the North Bihar and Seemanchal zones as also the Central-Magadh and Kaimur-Sonebhadra zones which overlap with Uttar Pradesh. The Bihar commanders are not actually co-opted for operations outside their local domain and in other states.

People who once supported the former rebel group Peoples War say lack of an overall philosophical and poor strategy could have led Arvind Yadav to kill Tete, who was an "outsider" and did not fit the caste profile of those who commanded the turf in Bihar.

Tete's Christian tribal community is not known to support the Maoists in the same way that other tribal groups do. The better-educated Christian tribals have an advantage in placed in finding employment than non-Christian tribals and have little reason to resort to violence as political tool.

In Dumka, the headquarters of Santhal Parganas, the Church, which has had an influence in this non-committal politics, has sided often with the Sibu Soren-led Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. Soren has several times warned against Maoist incursions in the area.

The resentment of Maoists against Christian tribals showed up when Induwar Francis, a Jharkhand Police Sub Inspector and a Christian tribals, was beheaded in Singhbhum earlier this year. Francis's execution caused the condemnation of the Maoists at a time when they were being confronted by the police in Chattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh and forced them to go through an extended re-grouping process in Jharkhand.

Francis' killing showed that the Maoists as an outfit whose political responses were shaped "not by mass line, but caste and community lines".

Tete's killing has, however, papered over the tribal divide and has brought in universal condemnation again. Maoists, who are fighting for survival in tribal heartland of the four contiguous states of Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh, fear that Tete's execution could boomerang severely on them.

The killing could pan out to deprive the tribal squads of its bases, hiding places and security of movement should the revulsion over the killing of Tete spread further. The Bihar Police, too, claims, that they now are better poised against the Maoists in Bihar.

The Bihar Police believes that the Maoists killed Tete at the 'wrong time', when the rebels gathered in the Kajra forest tracts were trying to disperse while the police had blockaded them from three sides.

However, one exit route towards Jharkhand-Bengal remained via the Jamui tracts, south of Lakhisarai, which the Naxalites used to get away.

Police also say, that field intelligence had conveyed of the worry among Naxalites, that at some point, despite Chief Minister Nitish Kumar's pleadings and assurance of safe passage, the West Bengal and Jharkhand police would come into play to seal the borders and catch them in a pincer. The escape routes over the Ganga River and to the north had also been sealed by the Khagria, Bugusarai and Katihar police forces.

Given the fact, that several top commanders of all Naxal affected states including Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra were participating, the CPI-Maoists were more intent on getting them out and did not want to run into another series of encounters. Thus holding the hostages longer offered them some 'comfort level', knowing that they remained the most powerful shield against 'possible' air and other operations, which would have made their hilly positions redundant.

The arrest of two prominent cadre members on Friday, the appeals from the civil society led by Swami Agnivesh, Arundhati Roy, Medha Patkar and Mahashweta Devi, the snapping of the foood supply lines due to police encirclement and the united appeal of all political parties, also seemed to have played a part.

In the end , the announcement, that the hostages were to be released on Sunday morning actually helped them to hold back the police forces, who stepped off a strike and allowed them over 24 hours to evacuate themselves from the 'hot zone'. The release of the hostages came soon after.

By Mammen Matthew
Source- The Hindustan Times,06-09-2010

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Naxals Free Three Abducted Cops, Mystery About Why and How

The nine-day hostage crisis in Bihar ended on Monday morning when the Maoists released the three policemen-Abhay Yadav, Ehsan Khan and Rupesh Sinha- to some of their relatives near Lakho village under on the border of Kajra-Chanan forests, nearly 170 kilometres southeast of the state capital.

Bihar DGP Neelmani confirmed the release of the policemen. "All the three abducted policemen have been released by the Maoists after the police sealed their escape routes in the forests and hills," he claimed. Later, during the search operation, the police also arrested seven hardcore Naxals including an area commander, he said.

However, the circumstances under which the policemen were released remain unclear and it's yet not known why they killed Sub-Inspector Lucas Tete.

The Maoists had abducted four policemen on August 29 during an encounter with the police. Seven policemen were killed in the encounter. On September 3, the Maoists had killed one of the captives, the SI of the Bihar Military Police, Lucas Tete, after the state government failed to release their eight jailed colleagues.

The Maoists had issued an ultimatum to the state government that they would kill the four hostages if it failed to release the eight jailed Maoists by 10:00 am on Wednesday, which was later extended to 4:00 pm on Thursday. Tete's bullet-ridden body was found on a hilly road in Kajra forests.

The Maoists handed over the three hostages to their relatives waiting near Lakho village at 6 am this morning. They were brought to Lakhisatrai police station under heavy security from the spot they were released. The relatives had informed the police about their release, police officers at Lakhisarai said.

Abhinandan Yadav, spokesman of the Bihar Policemen Association, who went to bring the three policemen as soon as the news of their release spread around 7 am, said all were in good health.

The freed policemen were in a state of shock when they were brought to the Lakhisarai police station. "I am alive due to God's grace and blessings of my parents and family members," said Rupesh before being taken to Patna.

At her village in Begusarai district, Rajni Devi, wife of SI Abhay Yadav, profusely thanked the Bihar government, Maoists and mediamen for the safe release of her husband.

Lakhisarai SP Ranjit Kumar Mishra said all those involved in the abduction of policemen would be brought to justice. "Those involved in it will be brought to justice. We will launch an operation to flush out the ultras soon", he said.

The eight ultras lodged in different jails of Bihar include Jai Paswan, Vijay Chourasia, Prem Bhuiyan, Pramod Barnawal, Ramvilas Tanti, Ramesh Tirkie, Arjun Koda and Rattu Koda.

After Lucas' killing, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar had appealed to the Maoists to release the policemen and offered talks with them. On Saturday, he held an all-party meeting and reiterated his appeal to free the hostages. He said that the Maoists should come to talks and assured to give safe passage for the talks.

After the release this morning, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar expressed his satisfaction and thanked all the political parties, intellectuals and all those who made a fervent appeal to the Maoists for the release of policemen.

By Avijit Biswas/Avinash Kumar
Source - The Hindustan Times,06-09-2010

__._,_.___

__,_._,___

National Forum | In India You Can Find The Craze For Knowledge Influenced Even The Aristocracy And Royalty

2010-09-06T05:38:00.000-07:00

Teachers Day

In India You Can Find The Craze For Knowledge Influenced Even The Aristocracy And Royalty

It is in India alone one can find that the craze for knowledge influenced even the aristocracy and royalty.  There were kings not merely patronizing learning, but also making themselves as students.

Janaka of Videha, Ajatasatru of Kasi, Pravahana Jaivali of Panchala were the illustrious examples of the divine value - craze for knowledge – which was the backbone of Indian soil.

In Mahabharaatha, we have our Ekalavya known for his love for knowledge and his readiness in offering his thumb finger as his "guru dakshina" knowing fully well that by such offering all his learning would become futile.

Then we have Janaka, who offered his whole kingdom as 'guru dakshina' to his teacher.

Nowadays it is difficult to find men who can equal Valmiki and Vyasa in letters, Kalidasa in poetry, Kapila, Kanada, Gautama, Patanjali, Jaimini, Sankara and Ramanuja in philosophy, Panini  in grammar,  Nagarjuna in Chemistry, Aryabhtta in Mathematics or Kautilya in Politics.

The secret of our educational system lay in its very conception of education.  It was the process of brining out all the positive powers of the students that are hidden within. It was done through the closest contact between teachers and students. Teachers were given equal status of God, as they dispel the darkness of ignorance and bring the light of knowledge.  Students were having life-long gratefulness and respect towards their preceptors. On the birth day of Sage Veda Vyasa, which falls on Aashaad Poornima day, all learned men would express their gratefulness to their own teachers. It was thus a "Teachers' day" celebration in olden days to men of all walks of life.

Thanks to the modern ways of educational system founded by Thomas Macaulay in 1835.  The word 'education' was started to mean only secular education to earn one's livelihood. Knowledge of philosophy, God and related issues are confined to men of old age or who ever choose to know it.

The roots of the Indian soil are so fertile that despite the influence of modern education, the year 1962 saw revival of such occasion wherein students express their gratefulness towards their teachers, thus remembering and recognizing the role and significance of teachers in a human's life.

Thanks to Dr. S.Radhakrishnan, for his suggestion to celebrate his birth day on September 5 as "Teachers' day" when as the second President of India he assumed his office in the year 1962.

Though the traditional spirit is lacking but yet it is a matter of joy and pride that in India the role of teachers in the evolution of human life is recognized.

May our indigenous traditional and ways of educational thoughts be imbibed in our modern ways of life!

By Nishthatmananda of Muzaffarpur

__._,_.___

__,_._,___

National Forum | UP VS RTI Rules

2010-09-05T23:50:00.000-07:00

Friends,

I attach a copy of the letter written(in Hindi) by me to the Principal Secretary, Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha which brings forth some rules made by the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha which see to go blatantly against the basic provisions and spirit of the RTI Act.

http://nationalrtiforum.org/Judicial%20Interventions%20by%20Forum.htm

The rules are called the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Sachivalaya Right to Information (Regulation of Fee and Cost) Rules,2007 passed through Government Order No 1883/Vi. Sa./02(Adhi) 2006.

One of these rules, Rule 4 (6), says that no information shall be given under the RTI Act if the contents of the letter are against the dignity and respect of the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha. Then, Rule 4(7) goes a step further and says that the information will not be given if it seems that the Intentions of the information seeker are not good/ proper.

Thus the UP Vidhan Sabha has brought two issues which have no reference and provisions in the RTI Act 2005 under whose provisions these Rules have been framed by the Chairman of the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha. While no one can deny the fact that the dignity and respect of the Vidhan Sabha are paramount in nature and no one shall be allowed to have any ill-intent towards the Vidhan Sabha yet the act of seeking information under the RTI Act and the conduct of demeaning the respect of the Vidhan Sabha are two entirely different things. The Vidhan Sabha has enough provisions under the Constitution and subsequent Rules framed in this regards to punish anyone who shows disrespect to the Vidhan Sabha, yet to club it with the RTI Act does not seem to make sense. Even more, in Rule 4(7) even an apprehension of ill-intent seems to be sufficient to deny information.

Coming to the Fees imposed by the UP Vidhan Sabha for supply of information, we find it surprising that under Rules 5, 6 and 7 the fees are fixed at Rs. 500 along with an application and Rs. 15 per page. These fees do not seem to be reasonable as is expected under section 7(5) of the RTI Act.

In the above mentioned letter, I have conveyed these facts to the Principal Secretary of the UP Vidhan Sabha and have also said that if suitable remedies are not allowed, I should move for other suitable remedies.

I present these facts for your perusal and comments

Dr Nutan Thakur
National RTI Forum
Lucknow
# 94155-34525

__._,_.___

__,_._,___

National Forum | Re: National Forum: UP VS RTI Rules

2010-09-08T03:46:00.000-07:00

How the PIO will know the intension of seeker and who will decide what ia against dignity? This move by the office of state assembly seems to be funny. I hope they they are in wrong impression that they have every right to frame the rule beyond the scope of law.

Sankar Pani

On 9/6/10, Nutan Thakur <nutanthakurlko@yahoo.in> wrote:

Friends,

I attach a copy of the letter
written(in Hindi) by me to the Principal Secretary, Uttar Pradesh Vidhan
Sabha which brings forth some rules made by the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan
Sabha which see to go blatantly against the basic provisions and spirit
of the RTI Act.

http://nationalrtiforum.org/Judicial%20Interventions%20by%20Forum.htm

The rules are called the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha
Sachivalaya Right to Information (Regulation of Fee and Cost) Rules,2007
passed through Government Order No 1883/Vi. Sa./02(Adhi) 2006.

One of these rules, Rule 4 (6), says that no information shall be
given under the RTI Act if the contents of the letter are against the
dignity and respect of the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha. Then, Rule 4(7)
goes a step further and says that the information will not be given if
it seems that the Intentions of the information seeker are not good/
proper.

Thus the UP Vidhan Sabha has brought two issues which have no
reference and provisions in the RTI Act 2005 under whose provisions
these Rules have been framed by the Chairman of the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan
Sabha. While no one can deny the fact that the dignity and respect of
the Vidhan Sabha are paramount in nature and no one shall be allowed to
have any ill-intent towards the Vidhan Sabha yet the act of seeking
information under the RTI Act and the conduct of demeaning the respect
of the Vidhan Sabha are two entirely different things. The Vidhan Sabha
has enough provisions under the Constitution and subsequent Rules framed
in this regards to punish anyone who shows disrespect to the Vidhan
Sabha, yet to club it with the RTI Act does not seem to make sense. Even
more, in Rule 4(7) even an apprehension of ill-intent seems to be
sufficient to deny information.

Coming to the Fees imposed by the UP Vidhan Sabha for supply of
information, we find it surprising that under Rules 5, 6 and 7 the fees
are fixed at Rs. 500 along with an application and Rs. 15 per page.
These fees do not seem to be reasonable as is expected under section
7(5) of the RTI Act.

In the above mentioned letter, I have conveyed these facts to the
Principal Secretary of the UP Vidhan Sabha and have also said that if
suitable remedies are not allowed, I should move for other suitable
remedies.

I present these facts for your perusal and comments

Dr Nutan Thakur

National RTI Forum

Lucknow

--
Sankar Prasad Pani
Bhubaneswar

__._,_.___

__,_._,___

National Forum | Barbaric Assault By BSF

2010-09-08T01:59:00.000-07:00

*To
7th September 2010*

*The Chairman*

*West Bengal Human Rights Commission*

*Bhabani Bhaban, Alipur*

*Kolkata*

* *

*Respected Sir*

* *

*It is distressing on my part that I have to intimate your office about
inhumane torture by Border Security Force personnel now and again. But the
indifference shown by the authorities and human rights institution to our
complaints and unhindered continuance of subjugation of the populace living
along the Indo- Bangladesh bordering district of Murshidabad, by the posted
Border Security Force personnel compel me to make similar complaints before
you.*

* *

*I am attaching detail of an incident, where a person belong to religious
minority community, brutally beaten by none other than a officer of Company
Commandant rank of Border Security Force with accompanied constables.*

* *

*While, the victim visited the police station to lodge his complaint, the
said police station not taken any cognizance over the incident, rather
suggested the complainant to lodge his complaint through court.*

* *

*All this happening prompted me to demand for:-*

* *

· *Immediate investigation should be initiated against the involved
BSF personnel over the mentioned incident*

· *The personnel of Jalangi police station; responsible for not
complying the Criminal Procedure Code related to taking cognizance should be
booked accordingly*

· *BSF should initiate their own inquiry over the incident and
ensure the involvement of victim and witnesses in the inquiry process*

· *Rafikul should be financially compensated*

· *Victim and witnesses should be provided with adequate protection
and their physical and psychological integrity should be maintained *

* *

*I am attaching the prescription of doctor herewith.*

* *

*Hope your office will take necessary steps in accordance to the rule of
law.*

* *

*Thanking You*

* *

*(Kirity Roy) *

*Secretary, MASUM*

*&*

*National Convenor, PACTI*

* *

*Name of the Victim:* Mr. Rafikul Mondal @ Rafik Mondal, Son of Mr. Najim
Mondal, male, aged about- 32 years of Village- Tiktikipara, Post Office-
Shibnagar, Police Station- Jalangi, District- Murshidabad

* *

*Name of the Perpetrators:* Company Commander (name not known) and 10-12
Constables of Khayartala Company Head Quarter, 52 Battalion of Border
Security Force and personnel of Jalangi Police Station

* *

*Date & Time of the incident:* 14.08.2010 at about 8.00 am

*Place of incident:* Tiktikipara village, Post Office- Shibnagar under
Jalangi Police Station

*Details:*

Rafikul is living in above mentioned village with his wife and three little
kids. He is living under penury and fending himself with his family by
working on other's agrarian lands as an agrarian labour. His name was not
listed in BPL category, though he lost last bit of land due to erosion by
river Padma.

On the fateful day at the above mentioned time, Rafikul was taking his tea
with 15- 16 other villagers and at Mr. Dilbar Seikh's tea stall. On that
time, the said Company Commander along with his said companions, 10-12 in
numbers, were coming towards the place from Char (island) Kakmari by a BSF
vehicle. The said Company Commandant after reaching the place (Dilbar
Seikh's tea stall) get down from his vehicle and asked the assembled
villagers about what are they doing about. He was talking in Hindi. As the
villagers are not conversant with the language; they kept mum. As reported,
Rafikul knows Hindi a bit and he made reply. Rafikul's reply made the
Commandant furious and by holding Rafikul, he started beating Rafikul black
and blue. The said Commandant shouted as " Tere Ko Maine Nahi Puchha, Tu
Kiun, Jawab Diya" (I don't ask you, why you answered?). He tried to shove
Rafikul towards the BSF vehicle. In the meantime the assembled villagers
protested the act and womenfolk of the village rescued Rafikul from the said
BSF party with its Commandant.

Thereafter, Rafikul visited Jalangi Police Station to register his compliant
against the assaulting BSF personnel. The complaint was registered as
Jalangi PS GDE No. 1207/10 dated 14.08.2010, but with all predictably, the
Jalangi PS not taken any appropriate action, rather suggested Rafikul to
lodge his complaint to the court.

Rafikul prayed for lodging his complaint in accordance to section 156 (3) of
Criminal Procedure Code at the Court of Chief Judicial Magistrate;
Murshidabad on 17th August 2010 against the said Company Commander as an
accused. In his petition he referred Mr. Yasin Seikh; son of Atahar Mondal,
Ms. Nadera Bibi; wife of Mosaraf Mondal and Ms. Firoza Bibi; wife of Safikul
Mondal, all residents of village- Tiktikipara, Police Station- Jalangi,
District- Murshidabad as witnesses. In the said petition Rafikul's advocate
brought penal charges under sections 323/341 and 506 of Indian Penal Code
against the accused. But till date Rafikul has not been intimated by any
police officer about the case. Police investigation also did not start yet.
On 15.08.2010, Rafikul visited a doctor's chamber himself and was physically
examined. Doctor found swelling in his body and administered medicines.

--
Kirity Roy

Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha
(MASUM)
&
(PACTI)
Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity
West Bengal INDIA
Web: www.masum.org.in

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National Forum | Three Pogroms Held Together By a Common Thread

2010-09-05T10:43:00.000-07:00

Three Pogroms Held Together By a Common Thread

*Secular, democratic India has seen pogroms against all three significant
minorities — Sikhs, Muslims and Christians.*

The accounts of murder, arson, and crimes against women sounded horribly
familiar: Each detail, each grisly fact seemed taken out of a script enacted
before; the sequence of events was as predictable as the shattering,
gut-wrenching climax.

It was like a macabre replay of Gujarat 2002 and Delhi 1984, as 43 communal
violence victims from Orissa — who had come all the way to the national
Capital — testified recently before the National People's Tribunal on
Kandhamal headed by A.P. Shah, former Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court.
As the narratives ended, the audience was left with another chilling
thought: In secular, democratic India, there had been pogroms against all
three significant minorities — Sikhs, Muslims and Christians.

Kanaka Rekha Nayak, from village Budedipada, spoke of her husband,
Parikhita, being beaten up, murdered and quartered as her family helplessly
watched (FIR no: 58 U/S 147/148/436/302/201/149 IPC, dated August 28 2008).
Today, Kanaka is in hiding with her two minor children.

Priyatama Nayak, from village Barpalli, said her husband, Abhimanyu, was
tied to a tree and burnt alive in her presence. Amidst religious chants the
mob looted her house and destroyed it. Priyatama's young son went to the
local police station and begged for help. The police reached the village 10
days later by which time dogs had preyed on Abhimanyu's body. (FIR no 90 u/s
147/148/436/506/302/149, dated August 31, 2008). And though Priyatama named
her husband's killers in the FIR, the police made no arrests. In March 2009,
following unceasing threats from those named in the FIR, Priyatama, who had
also petitioned the Chief Minister and the Governor, took her case to the
Orissa Human Rights Commission, which ordered the Kandhamal District
Magistrate and the Superintendent of Police to hold an inquiry into the case
and take action against the errant policemen.

Twenty-four-year-old Narsingho Digal from Dudukagaon testified that a
600-strong armed gang looted and destroyed his house. His mother was
gang-raped and his parents were dragged into the forests and murdered.
Narasingho, who — like many other Kandhamal Christians — faces a social
boycott, said the rioters had made his conversion back to Hinduism a
condition for his being allowed to return to his village.

Many of the victims said they spotted Bharatiya Janata Party MLA Manoj
Pradhan among the attackers. In June this year, a fast-track court in Orissa
sentenced Pradhan to seven years' rigorous imprisonment.

The Orissa violence, which targeted Dalit-tribal Christians, was undoubtedly
smaller in scale compared to Gujarat 2002 and Delhi 1984. Human rights
estimates of deaths, damages and sexual violations are many times higher in
all three cases, but going only by the government figures for the dead,
there were 38 killed in Kandhamal in Orissa, 1,180 murdered (including
Hindus killed in Godhra and in police firing) in the 15 affected districts
of Gujarat, and 2,700 put to death in the national Capital. Yet despite
these variations, the three pogroms could have been written, produced and
directed by a single satanic mind, judging by the astonishing similarity in
the detail and sequence of events and the stunning brutality of the crimes
committed.

Tribunal foreword

In his November 2002 foreword to the report of the Concerned Citizens
Tribunal, which collected 2,094 oral and written testimonies from Gujarat's
victim-survivors as well as human rights groups, Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer
said: "The gravamen of this pogrom-like operation was that the
administration reversed its constitutional role, and by omission and
commission, engineered the loot, ravishment and murder which was
methodically perpetrated through planned process …"

Eight years later, the jury at the Kandhamal Tribunal had similar words to
say: "The jury records its shock and deep concern for the heinous and brutal
manner in which the members of the Christian community were killed,
dismembered, sexually assaulted and tortured … There was rampant and
systematic looting and destruction of houses and places of worship and means
of livelihood … The jury is further convinced that the communal violence in
Kandhamal was the consequence of a subversion of constitutional governance
in which state agents were complicit."

'Action-reaction' theory

When, in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's 1984 assassination, thousands of
Sikhs were massacred on the streets of Delhi, the commonly-held view was
that it was an aberration brought about by an extraordinary situation.
Comparisons were made with the 1947 Partition riots but few could have known
at that time that the clinically planned and executed anti-Sikh pogrom would
serve as a model for two more episodes of mass aggression against
minorities.

Consider the features of the 1984 violence: Indira Gandhi's assassination by
two Sikh guards was the "action" which justified the "reactive" killings.
Rajiv Gandhi's insensitive equation of the mob rage to tremors arising from
a falling tree was taken as licence by the rioters to plunder, rape and
kill. Members of the ruling establishment lent tacit support to the
killings, and in some instances were seen directing the violence. The police
abandoned their protective instincts, becoming either bystanders or
collaborators in the crimes. The hooligans did not just kill, they used
innovative techniques to kill, such as fitting burning car tyres over the
necks of little, helpless children. In the days following the anti-Sikh
orgy, the community was further victimised by an unwritten social boycott.

As in Delhi, so in Gujarat and Orissa. Delhi 1984 went beyond "an eye for an
eye" to justify the extermination of an entire community for the perceived
crimes of a handful. It established the legitimacy of the administration and
the police slipping into supporting roles in mob violence. It also
established that killing was not enough, killing must be perverse. In
Gujarat, Muslims as a whole had to pay for Godhra. Here too, the
action-reaction theory was propounded at the highest level, with the police
and the administration wilfully abdicating their duties.

The testimonies recorded by the Krishna Iyer Tribunal brought out the
sadistic, bestial nature of the Gujarat killings: "The widespread violence
that targeted Muslims in urban and rural Gujarat was marked by utter
bestiality and brutality … Evidence recorded before us shows how in the
macabre dance of death, human beings were quartered and the killing
protracted while the terrorised survivors looked on …" Violence over, the
majority community enforced a social and economic boycott against Muslims.

In the "action-reaction" sequence in Orissa, rioters targeted the
Dalit-tribal Christian community for revenge killings despite the lack of
direct evidence linking the community to the murder of Swami Lakshmanananda
Saraswati. Here the Chief Minister, to his credit, did not justify the
killings. On the contrary, he appeared contrite and eventually broke his
ties with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Yet during the violence, the levers of
administration remained cruelly unresponsive to the cries of Kandhamal's
Christian citizenry. As in Delhi and Gujarat, the victims found the police
curiously missing or standing by, when the mobs, armed to the teeth and
shouting inflammatory slogans, went on the rampage. The torture and violence
were again extreme; murder was by burning alive, by dismembering the person.
And as previously, the violence was followed by a crippling social boycott.

Abuse of women

All three pogroms had another common feature: Rampant abuse of women. Women
were gang-raped, invariably in front of their families, not for sexual
gratification but as a demonstration of power, to heap humiliation on male
relatives. At the hearing organised by the Kandhamal Tribunal, Vrinda
Grover, a member of the jury, remarked that the Orissa rioters had "used
women's bodies as sites for punishment." The Hindu of September 30, 2008
reported the case of a Catholic nun who was stripped naked and brutally
gang-raped in front of a police post with 12 policemen from the Orissa State
Armed Police present and watching. The Catholic priest who was with her was
mercilessly thrashed for refusing to participate in the atrocity. Incidents
of rape in Gujarat 2002 have been too well documented to bear repetition
here.

But here again, the trend was set 26 years ago in Delhi. Until recently, the
dominant perception about 1984 was that the mob violence largely spared the
women.

The myth was conclusively demolished in 2007 following publication of the
painstakingly documented book, "When a tree shook Delhi". Lifting the "veil
of silence" over the rape cases, authors Manoj Mitta and H.S. Phoolka pieced
together evidence placed before the Nanavati Commission to establish rape as
a commonly used weapon in the anti-Sikh pogrom.

In one case, the rioters killed all the men in the family, raped the woman
of the house in front of her young son, and left her naked so that she could
not go out to save the child when he too was dragged out and burnt alive
(case reported in Manushi magazine and submitted to the Commission).

The Kandhamal tribunal, as the Krishna Iyer tribunal before it, noted the
"institutionalised bias of State agencies, their deliberate dereliction of
constitutionally mandated duties, their connivance with communal forces,
participation in and support to the violence, and a deliberate scuttling of
the processes of justice …" Each of the findings applied to Delhi 1984 as
well.

Perhaps that is why, a questioner asked the jury of the Kandhamal tribunal,
if it was not a shame that 26 years after 1984 — and two more pogroms later
— India was still trying to find a solution to planned violence against
minorities.

By Vidya Subrahmaniam
Source The Hindu ,04-09-2010

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National Forum | It Is Time To Introspect On Our Social Commitment

2010-09-07T09:52:00.000-07:00

It Is Time To Introspect On Our Social Commitment

The
number of civil society organizations are growing fast in the state of
Odisha. And, the concern of the people is also increasing regarding the
role of the civil society organizations in the development of the
society.
No
doubt, they have a role in changing the fate of the common man. Though
they cannot replace the government system which is the largest service
provider to the citizens; they can always facilitate the process by
seeking convergence with government actions.
With
reference to Odisha, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) is having a budget of
more than Rs 1,700 cores. The total budget of Civil Society,
Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and a few International
Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) would fall far short of the
financial requirements of the huge teaching force in the educational
system. Even then they have a social role to perform as 'success'
indicators of SSA can be replicated if more convergence is brought
between the government and the civil society organizations in a
partnership mode.
In
Odisha, more than one lakh NGOs (Civil Society, Self Help Groups etc.)
are working. The number is so large that on an average, two
organizations can cater to the developmental needs of one village. Then,
why are Odiyas so poor? In spite of well-intentioned efforts, why
sustained developmental changes not taking place in the state? The main
reason is lack of committed social actions. Both on the part of
organizations and individuals.
Mostly,
the organizations promote their own agenda and remain happy in sharing
their so-called contributions in the national and international
platforms. Programs and projects are funded, funds are utilized just for
the sake of it and field-level actions are performed in a mechanical
way for the sake of completion. Lack of commitment for social welfare is
visible almost everywhere. Odisha is no exception. Similar is the story
in other parts of the country too. How long can we compromise and
tolerate this state of inaction?
Many
organizations share their data base on education, health and livelihood
in seminars and conferences. Whether we can fully rely on the data base
is a big question?
Let
us see one instance. During violence in Kalinga Nagar, a meeting was
organized in the Indian Social Institute (ISI) at New Delhi. One of the
speakers from the national capital shared with the audience a fact that
about 45 people died in Kalinga Nagar violence.
When the speaker was questioned regarding the source and authenticity of
information, he was uncertain and begged apology for his ignorance.
In
another case, a report was released by a VVIP. After a few months, the
enumerator who was involved with the process of data collection and
compilation was astonished to see that the report was published even
though the data were with him and he did not share the data with others.
Obviously, the genuineness of the organization publishing the report is
suspected.
Do
all these mean that if you manage to reach a particular position, you
are free to do things at your own will without remaining accountable?
Unless we take steps to curtail these activities, everybody would be
taken for granted and perpetrators of immoral social actions would
prosper. These are two of many cases where constructed data are shared
in national and international platforms which rarely reflect field
realities.
Social Audit
The
majority of the organizations are afraid of social audit. If at all
they have done a good work, should others not know about the process? Do
they not want to be recognized by the beneficiaries for the good work
they have done? If so, what prevents them from opening up and making the
process transparent through a process of Social Aaudit? If their
intention is not good, how do the donor agencies will continue to
support them?
When ever an external team comes for the evaluation, every time the same place was ear-marked for the field visit. The
inspection work was only a mere formality; the real entertainment was
in visiting Puri and Konark which they were prompted to do by the
organizations.
These
are very common practices among the civil society organizations. It is
time for all the concerned civil society activists and organizations to
introspect on their commitment to the society where we live in.

By Ashok Paikaray

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National Forum | Re:National Forum: UID Project: An Interesting Comment

2010-09-07T01:37:00.000-07:00

Good one and an eye opener

Tavleen, I really doubt intention of UID project. If Govt is so serious for this project, when railway reservation system has a centralised process why not citzen's necessary data?
hopegovind@gmail.com

On 6 September 2010 21:38, Sukla Sen <> wrote:

[This is a rare adverse comment in the mainstream media on the UID project.]

Madness in this Wondrous Land

Nandan Nilekani, head of the UID project, should go and see Peepli Live if he has not already seen it and think twice about his grandiose scheme

ON THE SPOT

I n one of those coincidences that make the job of writing columns easier, I happened to see Peepli Live last week on the evening before yet another article appeared in yet another major newspaper in praise of Nandan Nilekani's scheme to give every Indian a unique identity number. Nandan's charm has so bowled over most commentators in the Indian media that nobody asks him the only question that needs to be asked: can it work? The other question that nobody asks him is: can thousands of crores of rupees of taxpayers money be wasted on yet another massive gamble?

Nandan has grown up in urban India where even if the bijli goes it usually comes back. And in companies like his own Infosys they make sure that it never goes by investing in their own power generation. If they relied on municipal sources Infosys could not have survived, leave alone become one of the most famous companies in the world. In rural India things are much, much worse. There is almost not a single village in the whole of our fair and wondrous land that can tell you with certainty that they can guarantee you 24 hours of reliable electricity. So can someone please explain to me how sophisticated electronic devices that can recognize you by your eyes will work? It is in the villages that nearly 70 per cent of our billion people live and they have another problem that the Unique Identity scheme appears not to have noticed. They are mostly illiterate or semi-literate. I must admit that even I, a college graduate, finds going through Iris at London airport intimidating. Half the times I have tried using it, the machine has been out of order. It is beyond horror to think what could happen to an Iris machine in the heat and dust of an Indian village.

What connects Nandan's expensive, futuristic scheme to Peepli Live is that the UID scheme is of a piece with the absurdities depicted in the film. Let me explain how. Natha, a destitute farmer, is coerced into committing suicide because in his desperately poor village they hear that the government gives the families of farmers who commit suicide a compensation of Rs 1 lakh. A passing news hound hears about his plan and writes a story that gets picked up by a fancy lady TV anchor in Delhi. She swoops into the village and carries Natha's story on prime time leading to an army of OB vans descending on Peepli village. When politicians are put on the line by about Natha's suicide plans, they arrive in the village and offer him a hand pump called Lal Bahadur, but do not pay for it to be installed, a massive colour TV set without noticing that his mud hut has no bijli and a plethora of other sops none of which are any use to him. When, finally, the Chief Minister offers him cash to stay alive, the Election Commission rules that this violates the model code of the election campaign. Natha ends up with nothing.

As someone who spends much time travelling in villages let me tell you some more examples of the Peepli Live kind. In villages in the Daltonganj district of what was then Bihar, I once came across a government scheme that gave goats to destitute families without noticing that there was no grazing land left in these villages. The goats ended up dead or eaten. In Kalahandi during a terrible drought in the eighties, I was horrified to see free food being distributed to children but only those who were under the age of five were allowed to eat at these free kitchens. So little children ate a few morsels and took the rest home for their starving brothers and sisters. Typically the food was only given in towns and villages to which there were roads. In remote villages in which children were dying every day of starvation, the only government assistance that arrived were malaria medicines. A local doctor had tears in his eyes when he told me that the only thing wrong with the dying children was that they had not eaten in a single real meal in more than six months.

In Maharashtra, one of our richest States, I came across a similarly useless attempt to save children from starving to death. This was no more than three or four years ago when reports of starvation deaths came from Nandurbar. When the children were on the verge of death they would be brought to the hospital in Akalkuwa town and given Rs 40 worth of food a day. They got eggs and milk and fresh vegetables, but as soon as they were well they would be sent home to starve again because the family could afford no more than Rs 10 worth of food a day. Articles appeared on the lunacy of this scheme, courts intervened to chastise the government, children's rights activists got involved, but as far as I know the Integrated Child Development Scheme carries on unchanged.

If you are asking yourself why go and see Peepli Live. But I can offer you my humble opinion based on decades of covering politics and government. The simple reason why we continue to pour massive amounts of money into mammoth, unmanageable schemes is because they provide a thousand ways in which officials can line their own pockets in the name of social welfare. If we had simpler, decentralized schemes that were run by village panchayats and district councils, there would be less chances for officials to make money because in a village everyone knows when some corrupt sarpanch is stealing. If, under the orders of the Supreme Court, the Minister of Agriculture goes ahead and distributes the food grain that is rotting in the open, then would he please make sure that it is distributed in decentralized fashion.

Meanwhile, dear Nandan Nilekani, please go and see Peepli Live if you have not already seen it and think twice about your grandiose scheme that cannot possibly work until the fundamentals for such a scheme are in place. It is an irony that the scheme's name is Aadhaar. This means foundation in Hindi and what is lacking is in fact the aadhaar for such a scheme. The article I read reported that Rs 3,000 crore was being set aside to give Rs 100 to each destitute Indian as an incentive to enroll in the UID programme. If this is not madness, will someone please tell me what is?

Tavleen Singh

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Re: National Forum | Vedanta Refinery: More Than 5000 Workers Retrenched And Many Beaten Up

2010-09-07T01:23:00.000-07:00

Dear all,

Were the workers, trenched from the job, permanent, employed of parent company with due legal process? Were they recruited from open market through exam and interview and allotment/appointment letters or simply hired by subcontractors for some seasonal or temporary work. Construction companies, often, hire various categories of workers for various works and once the work is done, they simply asked to go out. The workers who engaged in such kind of works often work in different units at different places. The Vedanta is a British company and carries out the work with hire and fire policy. It does not believe in community development but only making profits. What kind of reconstructions we expect in our state or area from such company. These kinds of company only believe in extract profits, they really do not care about the devastation of anything valuable to any local community or local govt. The river, the source of potable water, the air, the culture, community believe etc are useless thing to care about for these companies. I request my all you brothers to go to Joda, Nalda area and see what kind of profits have been shared with the local people by transforming their entire area into a hell.

Regards,

Neh Indwar

--- On Sun, 9/5/10, Prasanta Patnaik <patnaikprasanta@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Prasanta Patnaik <patnaikprasanta@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: National Forum | Vedanta Refinery: More Than 5000 Workers Retrenched And Many Beaten Up
To: national-forum-of-india@yahoogroups.co.in
Date: Sunday, September 5, 2010, 6:43 AM

I donot agree with Sri Manoj Padhi. Dongria Kondhs' win was not loss for these 5000 workers, it was a victory of about 4 crore people of Orissa. The workers who have been victim of lay off by Vedanta's contractors and sub-contractors were engaged in illigal expansion work of Vedanta.

The activists should not expect Ladoo in both hands. Let Mr Padhi enjoy 5000 Ladoos on the ocacsion of lay off of the workers. He should be rewarded for his anti-people stand.

Prasanta Patnaik.

On 9/4/10, Manoj Padhi <manojpadhi@gmail.com> wrote:

What is wrong with such lay off ; Activists can't expect Ladoo in both hands. Dongia Kandha's win was loss for these 5000 workers.
So, why upset ?

-Manoj Padhi

On Wed, Sep 1, 2010 at 7:44 PM, ashok paikaray <ak_paikaray@yahoo.com> wrote:

Dear all,

Following the government order on scarpping of the Niyamgiri mining project
and indictment of Vedanta for carrying out expansion work of its refinery at
Lanjigarh without permission, more than 5000 workers were suddenly
retrenched yesterday by L&T, the contractor for carrying out Vedanta's
construction work.

On being served the retrenchment notice - verbally - the workers demanded
their backlog payements and compensation to which the company did not heed.
Workers then went on to stage a strike. It is reported that demands and
downright denials led to a violent situation, in which there was some damage
to the plant properties. Then the police accompanied by vedanta goons
attacked the demonstrators and beat them up mercilessly... More than hundred
workers are injured with bleeding heads, broken limbs, and internal
injuries. Hundreds of workers have been arrested and, as reports coming from
Lanjigarh this morning suggests, are being further beaten up in the police
station.

Some backgrounder and facts:

1. I had interviewed more than two dozens of workers on camera last February
and they had said that not a single worker is given an identity card; even
many of them did not possess any entry slip (roll card).

2. The oroginal address of most workers was distorted on record so that in
case of any accident or retrenchment or any other such thing, the company
could prove that such person did not exist at all, and that they could not
be challenged legally.

3. Most workers complained the payment was much less than
promised/stipulated besides being very erratic.

4. Workers felt trapped as their backlog payments were huge and could not
even leave the job even if they wanted to.

5. Safety measures were almost non-existent and the workers always did their
job taking great risks.

6. There had been many deaths inside the plant in accidents, which were not
reported outside.

... and so on.

*The present situation calls for intervention by the media and legal
experts. Since the company cannot go on with the expansion work now after
being slammed officially and publicly, there has to be ways for the workers
to get their rights... and not such a raw deal as being dumped, then beaten
up and arrested. *

in solidarity,
subrat

subrat69@gmail.com

--

Manoj Padhi

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National Forum | UID Project: An Interesting Comment

2010-09-06T09:08:00.000-07:00

[This is a rare adverse comment in the mainstream media on the UID project.]

-----------------------------------------

Madness in this Wondrous Land

Nandan Nilekani, head of the UID project, should go and see Peepli Live if he has not already seen it and think twice about his grandiose scheme

ON THE SPOT
I n one of those coincidences that make the job of writing columns easier, I happened to see Peepli Live last week on the evening before yet another article appeared in yet another major newspaper in praise of Nandan Nilekani's scheme to give every Indian a unique identity number. Nandan's charm has so bowled over most commentators in the Indian media that nobody asks him the only question that needs to be asked: can it work? The other question that nobody asks him is: can thousands of crores of rupees of taxpayers money be wasted on yet another massive gamble?

Nandan has grown up in urban India where even if the bijli goes it usually comes back. And in companies like his own Infosys they make sure that it never goes by investing in their own power generation. If they relied on municipal sources Infosys could not have survived, leave alone become one of the most famous companies in the world. In rural India things are much, much worse. There is almost not a single village in the whole of our fair and wondrous land that can tell you with certainty that they can guarantee you 24 hours of reliable electricity. So can someone please explain to me how sophisticated electronic devices that can recognize you by your eyes will work? It is in the villages that nearly 70 per cent of our billion people live and they have another problem that the Unique Identity scheme appears not to have noticed. They are mostly illiterate or semi-literate. I must admit that even I, a college graduate, finds going through Iris at London airport intimidating. Half the times I have tried using it, the machine has been out of order. It is beyond horror to think what could happen to an Iris machine in the heat and dust of an Indian village.

What connects Nandan's expensive, futuristic scheme to Peepli Live is that the UID scheme is of a piece with the absurdities depicted in the film. Let me explain how. Natha, a destitute farmer, is coerced into committing suicide because in his desperately poor village they hear that the government gives the families of farmers who commit suicide a compensation of Rs 1 lakh. A passing news hound hears about his plan and writes a story that gets picked up by a fancy lady TV anchor in Delhi. She swoops into the village and carries Natha's story on prime time leading to an army of OB vans descending on Peepli village. When politicians are put on the line by about Natha's suicide plans, they arrive in the village and offer him a hand pump called Lal Bahadur, but do not pay for it to be installed, a massive colour TV set without noticing that his mud hut has no bijli and a plethora of other sops none of which are any use to him. When, finally, the Chief Minister offers him cash to stay alive, the Election Commission rules that this violates the model code of the election campaign. Natha ends up with nothing.

As someone who spends much time travelling in villages let me tell you some more examples of the Peepli Live kind. In villages in the Daltonganj district of what was then Bihar, I once came across a government scheme that gave goats to destitute families without noticing that there was no grazing land left in these villages. The goats ended up dead or eaten. In Kalahandi during a terrible drought in the eighties, I was horrified to see free food being distributed to children but only those who were under the age of five were allowed to eat at these free kitchens. So little children ate a few morsels and took the rest home for their starving brothers and sisters. Typically the food was only given in towns and villages to which there were roads. In remote villages in which children were dying every day of starvation, the only government assistance that arrived were malaria medicines. A local doctor had tears in his eyes when he told me that the only thing wrong with the dying children was that they had not eaten in a single real meal in more than six months.

In Maharashtra, one of our richest States, I came across a similarly useless attempt to save children from starving to death. This was no more than three or four years ago when reports of starvation deaths came from Nandurbar. When the children were on the verge of death they would be brought to the hospital in Akalkuwa town and given Rs 40 worth of food a day. They got eggs and milk and fresh vegetables, but as soon as they were well they would be sent home to starve again because the family could afford no more than Rs 10 worth of food a day. Articles appeared on the lunacy of this scheme, courts intervened to chastise the government, children's rights activists got involved, but as far as I know the Integrated Child Development Scheme carries on unchanged.

If you are asking yourself why go and see Peepli Live. But I can offer you my humble opinion based on decades of covering politics and government. The simple reason why we continue to pour massive amounts of money into mammoth, unmanageable schemes is because they provide a thousand ways in which officials can line their own pockets in the name of social welfare. If we had simpler, decentralized schemes that were run by village panchayats and district councils, there would be less chances for officials to make money because in a village everyone knows when some corrupt sarpanch is stealing. If, under the orders of the Supreme Court, the Minister of Agriculture goes ahead and distributes the food grain that is rotting in the open, then would he please make sure that it is distributed in decentralized fashion.

Meanwhile, dear Nandan Nilekani, please go and see Peepli Live if you have not already seen it and think twice about your grandiose scheme that cannot possibly work until the fundamentals for such a scheme are in place. It is an irony that the scheme's name is Aadhaar. This means foundation in Hindi and what is lacking is in fact the aadhaar for such a scheme. The article I read reported that Rs 3,000 crore was being set aside to give Rs 100 to each destitute Indian as an incentive to enroll in the UID programme. If this is not madness, will someone please tell me what is?

By Tavleen Singh
Source- sentinelassam

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Re: National Forum | Vedanta Refinery: More Than 5000 Workers Retrenched And Many Beaten Up

2010-09-05T21:59:00.000-07:00

Dear Friends,

What is important here is to debate about the following:

1. Real number of workers and their background - People like us who have visited to the area and have interacted with the local people, workers and others have found that there were several workers from outside Orissa and they were not locals. As such also, on the number of the workers there are several views. While some say its 1500, some put it at 3000 and some at 5000. We should demand Vedanta and Orissa government to give the real number with all details of the workers those were employed by Vedanta.

2. Identity cards for workers and coverage under social security schemes - As concerned citizens of the nation, we should now ask Vedanta and Govt. of Orissa to let us know the number of employees of Vedanta and by its contractors and what kind of social security measures under which these workers were covered.

3. The plant is illegal by most criteria. You must have seen government raiding illegal firework making industries(including small cottage industries) and many such illegally operating industries. We should debate more on the illegality of the plant and not about the workers. If Vedanta and Govt. of Orissa employed the people, is it not their responsibility to provide them alternative engagement and social security measures. On the plea of retrenchment of workers, an illegal factory should not be let operational. Just imagine, only because the Maoist cadres are employed by their organisations, one should let them operate!!!

Many so called intellectuals keep on trying to hijack real issues by raising such matters which should actually be the look out of the employer and not us. Let us concentrate our energy to drive away from out state the extractive industries which have bought our ruling political parties and have waged a war against democracy. If the government is so concerned about growth let it promote agro-industries that will not only provide employment to more people for the time being but on a sustained basis by not wrecking destruction on the ecology.

Further, we should also concentrate our energy in putting Mr. Anil Agarwal behind bars. He is a criminal. He has violated several laws of this land. He has done business in the worst form of fraudulent manners. If Lada Sikaka can be taken to police station and beaten up without any evidence, why not Anil Agarwal be arrested when there are sufficient evidences against him.

Thanks and regards,

Ranjan

On Sun, Sep 5, 2010 at 7:13 PM, Prasanta Patnaik <patnaikprasanta@gmail.com> wrote:

I donot agree with Sri Manoj Padhi. Dongria Kondhs' win was not loss for these 5000 workers, it was a victory of about 4 crore people of Orissa. The workers who have been victim of lay off by Vedanta's contractors and sub-contractors were engaged in illigal expansion work of Vedanta.

The activists should not expect Ladoo in both hands. Let Mr Padhi enjoy 5000 Ladoos on the ocacsion of lay off of the workers. He should be rewarded for his anti-people stand.

Prasanta Patnaik.

On 9/4/10, Manoj Padhi <manojpadhi@gmail.com> wrote:

What is wrong with such lay off ; Activists can't expect Ladoo in both hands. Dongia Kandha's win was loss for these 5000 workers.
So, why upset ?

-Manoj Padhi

On Wed, Sep 1, 2010 at 7:44 PM, ashok paikaray <ak_paikaray@yahoo.com> wrote:

Dear all,

Following the government order on scarpping of the Niyamgiri mining project
and indictment of Vedanta for carrying out expansion work of its refinery at
Lanjigarh without permission, more than 5000 workers were suddenly
retrenched yesterday by L&T, the contractor for carrying out Vedanta's
construction work.

On being served the retrenchment notice - verbally - the workers demanded
their backlog payements and compensation to which the company did not heed.
Workers then went on to stage a strike. It is reported that demands and
downright denials led to a violent situation, in which there was some damage
to the plant properties. Then the police accompanied by vedanta goons
attacked the demonstrators and beat them up mercilessly... More than hundred
workers are injured with bleeding heads, broken limbs, and internal
injuries. Hundreds of workers have been arrested and, as reports coming from
Lanjigarh this morning suggests, are being further beaten up in the police
station.

Some backgrounder and facts:

1. I had interviewed more than two dozens of workers on camera last February
and they had said that not a single worker is given an identity card; even
many of them did not possess any entry slip (roll card).

2. The oroginal address of most workers was distorted on record so that in
case of any accident or retrenchment or any other such thing, the company
could prove that such person did not exist at all, and that they could not
be challenged legally.

3. Most workers complained the payment was much less than
promised/stipulated besides being very erratic.

4. Workers felt trapped as their backlog payments were huge and could not
even leave the job even if they wanted to.

5. Safety measures were almost non-existent and the workers always did their
job taking great risks.

6. There had been many deaths inside the plant in accidents, which were not
reported outside.

... and so on.

*The present situation calls for intervention by the media and legal
experts. Since the company cannot go on with the expansion work now after
being slammed officially and publicly, there has to be ways for the workers
to get their rights... and not such a raw deal as being dumped, then beaten
up and arrested. *

in solidarity,
subrat

subrat69@gmail.com

--

Manoj Padhi

--
Ranjan K Panda

BASERA
Sambalpur,Orissa, INDIA

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Re: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete

2010-09-05T21:46:00.000-07:00

Shri Sai baba and others like him have also not heard of others like the teacher who was taken out of his school 3 days ago and then killed because he had not attended Mamta's rally. Also they choose not to hear about the Anganwadi worker who was raped and killed for the same reason. And many others

Subhashini Ali

--- On Sat, 9/4/10, Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com>
Subject: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete
To: national-forum-of-india@yahoogroups.co.in
Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 11:48 PM

[Quote

Killing people after taking them into custody ... is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

Unquote

It appears that Mr. Saibaba has never ever heard of Francis Induwar who was beheaded after capture and his beheaded body thrown on the road.]

I/III.

From: Saibaba G N <gnsaibaba@gmail.com>
Subject: The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable

Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 12:07 AM

The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable.

Killing people after taking them into custody is a pattern followed by the Indian state, as in the case of Azad, and Hemchandra Pandey, but is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

It is imperative for the CPI (Maoist) to immediately release the remaining police personnel in their custody, as a gesture of their goodwill, and for the Indian government to respond by initiating talks with the CPI (Maoist) genuinely and seriously.--

G N SAIBABA

II.
Peoples Union for Democratic Rights

Press statement condemning the gruesome killing of Bihar Policeman Lukas Tete by Maoists

4th September 2010

Peoples Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi (PUDR) unequivocally condemns
the killing of Bihar policeman Lukas Tete by the Maoists. PUDR considers
this act as brutal and violative of all democratic norms and harmful to the
peoples and democratic movements. PUDR demands the immediate release of the
policemen taken hostage.

PUDR once again reiterates that, if the war is imposed, then the warring
parties involved should abide by the Geneva Convention and Protocol III
(dealing with non-international conflicts) and other Covenants which govern
the conduct of war/s. Once a person is taken into custody, by any warring
side, it becomes the bounden responsibility of the captors to ensure safety
of the person in their custody.

PUDR has also consistently maintained that the Indian state should seriously
engage in dialogue with the Maoists. However, the Indian state and esp. the
Home Ministry has shown very little signs of seriously engaging any sort of
dialogue with the Maoists This is clearly revealed in the incidence related
to the murder of Cherukri Rajkumar @ Azad, with whom the Home Minister and
his emissary were in the process of negotiation.

Moushumi Basu & Asish Gupta
Secretaries, PUDR--

III.

MAOISTS RELEASE 2
The Maoists had abducted Sub Inspectors Abhay Yadav and Rupesh Kumar and Bihar Military Police havildar Ehtesham Khan hostage and Assistant Sub-Inspector Lucas Tete after the encounter in Lakhisarai on Sunday. Tete''s bullet-ridden body was found yesterday after expiry of the deadline swapping them for eight Maoists while the other three policemen remained in captivity. "Sub Inspector Abhay Yadav''s wife''s grief has also influenced us and her emotional outbursts that she will ask her sons to take to guns and become Naxalites as also appeals from various quarters and organisations compelled us to reconsider our decision on the hostage issue", Avinash said. "But I will like to make it clear that we are not going to hand over the hostages either to police or mediamen... we will send them to their respective families, safe and sound", he added. He said Maoists did want to give any credit to the state government over the release of the hostages."We will also not let others score a political mileage... we are doing this on our own, giving due humanitariun considerations", he said. The Maoist spokesman said the state government had always tried to "complicate the situation". "It wants to come to negotiating table instead of paying heed to our demand for release of our eight colleagues lodged in different jails in Bihar," he said. Avinash said Maoists were peeved at Nitish Kumar questioning the authenticity of his position. "Whatever I spoke to the media and the CDs we sent to the families of each of the hostages with footage showing that they were hale and hearty also vindicated my claim of representing the Maoists.

Source- IBNLIVE

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Re: National Forum | The killing Of Lucas Tete

2010-09-05T20:43:00.000-07:00

Respected Sukla Senji,

Although I regret to use harsh words, it is a curse that we have people like Mr. Saibaba airing such views.

One has to have the courage and character to accept that today's naxalite/militants are nothing but a bunch of people who do not wish to work and earn their bread.

Instead of releasing the naxalites in jail the Govt. must simply go on the offensive against the entire hooligans; if local villagers or tribals assist these harmful forces that you should not spare them. The biggest mistake the Govt. is doing is to arrest these people and put them in Jail. They should be simply eliminated;

Asking the release of these people in Jail is equivalent to asking release of a person convicted for Murder or rape charges.

I think you should not even spend your time in replying to views similar to Mr. Saibaba as there is saying in our village: if you do wrestling with PIGS you not only get tired but also dirtily while the PIGS enjoy it. My analogy may be wrong but the message is simple; no one can ever justify the support to these criminals who are leading a luxury life by sucking the bloods of other country men.

Regards

Rajaram

On Sat, Sep 4, 2010 at 6:18 AM, Sukla Sen <sukla.sen@gmail.com> wrote:

[Quote

Killing people after taking them into custody ... is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

Unquote

It appears that Mr. Saibaba has never ever heard of Francis Induwar who was beheaded after capture and his beheaded body thrown on the road.]

I/III.

From: Saibaba G N <gnsaibaba@gmail.com>
Subject: The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable

Date: Saturday, September 4, 2010, 12:07 AM

The killing of Lucas Tete, one of the four policemen taken hostage by the CPI (Maoist), is regrettable.

Killing people after taking them into custody is a pattern followed by the Indian state, as in the case of Azad, and Hemchandra Pandey, but is uncharacteristic of and unexpected from revolutionaries.

It is imperative for the CPI (Maoist) to immediately release the remaining police personnel in their custody, as a gesture of their goodwill, and for the Indian government to respond by initiating talks with the CPI (Maoist) genuinely and seriously.--

G N SAIBABA

II.
Peoples Union for Democratic Rights

Press statement condemning the gruesome killing of Bihar Policeman Lukas Tete by Maoists

4th September 2010

Peoples Union for Democratic Rights, Delhi (PUDR) unequivocally condemns
the killing of Bihar policeman Lukas Tete by the Maoists. PUDR considers
this act as brutal and violative of all democratic norms and harmful to the
peoples and democratic movements. PUDR demands the immediate release of the
policemen taken hostage.

PUDR once again reiterates that, if the war is imposed, then the warring
parties involved should abide by the Geneva Convention and Protocol III
(dealing with non-international conflicts) and other Covenants which govern
the conduct of war/s. Once a person is taken into custody, by any warring
side, it becomes the bounden responsibility of the captors to ensure safety
of the person in their custody.

PUDR has also consistently maintained that the Indian state should seriously
engage in dialogue with the Maoists. However, the Indian state and esp. the
Home Ministry has shown very little signs of seriously engaging any sort of
dialogue with the Maoists This is clearly revealed in the incidence related
to the murder of Cherukri Rajkumar @ Azad, with whom the Home Minister and
his emissary were in the process of negotiation.

Moushumi Basu & Asish Gupta
Secretaries, PUDR--

III.

MAOISTS RELEASE 2
The Maoists had abducted Sub Inspectors Abhay Yadav and Rupesh Kumar and Bihar Military Police havildar Ehtesham Khan hostage and Assistant Sub-Inspector Lucas Tete after the encounter in Lakhisarai on Sunday. Tete''s bullet-ridden body was found yesterday after expiry of the deadline swapping them for eight Maoists while the other three policemen remained in captivity. "Sub Inspector Abhay Yadav''s wife''s grief has also influenced us and her emotional outbursts that she will ask her sons to take to guns and become Naxalites as also appeals from various quarters and organisations compelled us to reconsider our decision on the hostage issue", Avinash said. "But I will like to make it clear that we are not going to hand over the hostages either to police or mediamen... we will send them to their respective families, safe and sound", he added. He said Maoists did want to give any credit to the state government over the release of the hostages."We will also not let others score a political mileage... we are doing this on our own, giving due humanitariun considerations", he said. The Maoist spokesman said the state government had always tried to "complicate the situation". "It wants to come to negotiating table instead of paying heed to our demand for release of our eight colleagues lodged in different jails in Bihar," he said. Avinash said Maoists were peeved at Nitish Kumar questioning the authenticity of his position. "Whatever I spoke to the media and the CDs we sent to the families of each of the hostages with footage showing that they were hale and hearty also vindicated my claim of representing the Maoists.

Source- IBNLIVE

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